Aspects of Chahamana's Polity.My Research.

Part 1 : Bygone days : Peeping in the past. It was around 2003.When the first time for Ph.D. registration test was decided by the Magadh University.We along with my colleagues and davian friends Sunil Tiwari, Brajesh Mishra, Madhvee Jha and above all Sunita Sinha were agreed to appearing for the entrance test. We were not thought that we davians would be finally selected. With due permission we sat for the entrance test and ultimately all of us found got selected. By the grace of god and almighty father we three have completed our task.
I pay my gratitude to Aashish Kumar Jana ,Principal Dav Public School,Buxar, Aashish Kumar Sinha, Media person ,Dr Bhwana Assistant Professor,Geography Department,Nalanda College, who have always been inspirational and a guiding force for me.
By 2020 for any sort of creation thanks to the unseen forces who insisted me again to rewrite my research work again in a new form and new style.
It has been a tough task and challenge for me but I did. By writing and typing it again within a short span of time I could be able to produce it before you in a very interesting manner so that you could enjoy reading the research work rewritten .Central theme will be available for you at the end of the each chapter as you will get the essance of that described chapter in a very easy way .
By this time  I am remembering Guru Ravindranaath with his word 'Ekla chalo re ...my friends and my beloved ones who always stand with me with their encouraging words.
Rewriting of yours is quite interesting but difficult however I determined to research myself once again.This again writing is dedicated to my father late Shree Dukh Bhanjan Prasad who always remained present over my writing table in a framed work. 
It gets completed on day 13th of this month October 2020.13 digit, date or number is  supposed to be unlucky for others but too lucky for me. Why ? I do understand only ,don't I?
Thanks again for being with me.
Sanyogita's Sawayambar.

History : The Glory of  India. 
My work is about and over the Chahamanas of Shakambhari, colloquilly known as the Chauhans 
of Sambhar were an ideal Indian dynasty that ruled parts of the present Rajasthan and its neighbouring areas between 6th to 12th centuries.The Chahaman is a Sanskrit word the Chauhanas are the vernacular form of its.The territory ruled by them is known as Sapadalaksha.They were the most prominent ruling family of the Chahamana (Chahaman) clan,and where categorized among Agnivanshi Rajputs in the later medieval legends.
The Chamanas originally had their capital at Shakambhari present day Sambhar Lake town in Rajsthan. Until the 10th century they ruled as the vassals of the Pratiharas. When the Pratiharas were declined due to the constant stuggle after the Tripartite Struggle, among three powers,the Palas,the Rashtkutas and the Pratiharas.
Prthaviraj Chauhan's Fort.

The Chamanas ruler Simharaja assumed the title Mahrajadhiraj probably to be the first independent ruler.In the early 12th century Ajayaraja II moved the kingdom's capital to Ajaymeru ( modern Ajmer).So they are known as the Chauhana of Ajmer too.The Chahamanas fought sevral wars for their existence with their neighbouring powers including the Chalukayas of Gujrat, the Tomars of Delhi, the Parmaras of Malwa and the Chandelas of Bundelkhand.From 11 th century
Battle of Tarain.
onwards, they 
started facing Muslim invasions,first by the Ghanavids, and then by the Ghurids.The Chahamanas kingdom reached its zenith under Vigharaja IV and the mid - 12 th century. The dynasty's power effectively ended in 1192 CE when Muhammad Ghori defeated Prithiviraj Chauhan III in the second Battle of Tarain in 1192 AD.
A  tale about Prithviraj Chauhan 
Prithvi killing Muhammad Ghori at Ghazani

The court poet Cahnd Bardai's Prithviraj Raso claims that after the defeat in the 2nd  Battle of Tarain,1192 Prithviraj as a prisoner was taken to Ghazni , and his eyes were burnt he was made blinded. On hearing this, the court  poet Chand Bardai traveled to Ghazni and tricked Muhammad of Ghor into watching an archery performance by the blind Prithviraj. At the right time of performance Chand described the locational postion of Sultan, sensing that  Prithviraj shot an arrow in the direction of Muhammad's voice assuming that he should have been there and killed him. Shortly after, Prithviraj and Chand Bardai killed each other by stabbing one another and accepted their death for their self honour. Although this is a fictional narrative, not supported by historical evidence but left an impression of Prithviraj.Where as Muhammad of Ghor continued to rule for more than a decade after Prithviraj's death.
Photos courtesy Internet. Only used for the educational purposes.
My remembering.
Dr. Madhup Raman.
13.10.2020.









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Part 2 :
My Research Work. 
Aspects of Chahamana's Polity.
Rewriting of History. 
Synopsis first.
Dr.Madhup Raman.
The Arrival of Arabs..

Arab's arrival and  Conquest in Sindh : photo internet.

Preface. Before Chahamana or Chauhan  
With the Arab Conquest of Sind in 712 A.D. when first Muslim invader Muhammad Bin Qasim
invaded Sindh India then the Hindu ruler  King Dahir gave him a stiff struggle. Ultimately he was defeated and  the Muslims first set a foothold in India. From Sind they tried to penetrate into Western India, but met a rebuff from the Pratiharas. 
King Dahir facing the first Muslin Invader Muhammad Bin Qasim.

The Pratiharas established an empire which extended from Gujarat to Bihar and from the frontiers of the Punjab to those of Orissa. The Pratihara Empire was based on a tradition of national greatness in resisting the Muslim invasion. For about two or three  centuries it was able to fulfill its historic mission.  
But the distintegration of the Pratihara Empire set in from C.916 917 A.D.,and by 950 it was definitely on the decline. The political unity of Northern India was lost, and a number of dynasties, which ruled in different principalities as the vassals of the Pratihara Empire, began to rise into independence.
These were the Chandellas in Bundelkhand, the Chahamanas in Sakambhari,Rajasthan the Chaulukyas in Gujarat, the Paramaras in Malava, the Kalachuris in Tripuri, and the Guhilets in Medapata.
These dynasties were generally grouped together under the name Rajput. They were not satisfied with the mere achievement of independence.  Each of them was actuated by the ambition of securing for itself an imperial authority as the Pratiharas had achieved. In doing so these Rajput dynasties were involved in constant struggle with each other even by ignoring the common Muslim danger before them.  
As failed to join together against the impending danger, they had to pay the penalty of their blunder. They fought with the Muslim invaders separately, and suffered defeat and humiliation. In fact the mutual rivalry among these Rajput dynasties paved the way for the establishment of Muslim rule in Northern India.
After the decline of the Pratihar power, the Hindu Shahi dynasty of Afghanistan and the Punjab earnestly responded to the task of opposing the Turkish invaders from Ghazni. But the task was found to be too heavy for them, and the Ghaznavites ultimately conquered both Afghanistan and the Punjab. Henceforth the Punjab became the Muslim base for further raids into the interior of India.
Though the fall of the Pratihara Empire was followed by the rise of the local Rajput Kingdoms engaged in internecine struggles, yet the Muslims were not able to make an easy conquest of Northern  India.  
It was the Chahamana Dynasty of Sakambhari which rose to the occasion, and took the onerous responsibility of checking the Muslim inroads. For nearly two hundred years the Chahamanas magnificently did their duty, and when they collapsed in 1192, all hopes were lost. It is a significant fact that within a decade after the second Battle of Tarain,1192, the Muslims conquered practically the whole of Northern India from the Punjab to Bengal.
It is the polity of this valiant Chahamana dynasty of Sakambhari that forms the Chief theme of our study.  We have tried to discuss the subject from an analytical standpoint with the help of available evidences.
Thakfullness given : First of all I must express my deep gratitude to my supervisor, Dr.Vinod Kumar Yadvendu.  P.G. Dept.of Ancient Indian and Asian Studies, Magadh University, Bodh Gaya who not only sugested this topic to me but kindly supervised the work to its completion.  It was with (H) his co-operation and blessings that I could complete the present work.
My thankfulness stands for my Principal, Aasis Kumar Jana, DAV, Public School, P.G.  Campus, Biharsharif. I am thankful to my relatives and friends who have encouraged me in various ways in completion of the present work.
My thanks are also due to the great scholars in the field from whose works, I have been benefitted much in my current investigations 
My thankfulness stands for my dearest friend Dr.  Ajay Kumar who always gives me proper support and guides me for completing this work successfully.
I cannot forget the encouragement given by my brother in law,Ashish Kumar that always inspires me for having a research work.
Madhup Raman.
31.12.2007.

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Part : 3
CONTENTS 
                                                                                                                        PAGE NO
PREFACE.                                                                                                       (i) ---(iii)
ABBREVIATION.                                                                                             (iv) ---(vi) 
CHAPTER - I :  KINGSHIP.                                                                              01---31
CHAPTER - II : MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY AND THE MINISTRY. 32----46 
CHAPTER - III :THE CHAHAMANA OVER LORDSHIP.                                 47---85 
CHAPTER - IV :SECRETARIAT AND THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS.86 ---121 
CHAPTER - V : OFFICIALS- FEUDATORIES. TERRITORIAL UNITS.          122--127 
CHAPTER - VI : JUDICIAL, MILITARY AND REVENUE ADMINISTRATION.128--136 
CONCLUSION.                                                                                               137--140
BIBLIOGRAPHY.                                                                                            141--151

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Part  : 4
Abbreviations.
Used in my Research Work. 
AIK : The Age of Imperial Kanauj.  
AR : Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan.  
ASI,WC : Archaeological Survey of India Western Circle.- Annual Report.  
ASR : Archaeological Survey Reports.
BG : Bombay Gazetteer.
CCIM : Catalog of the Coins in the Indian Museum Calcutta.  
CG : Chaulukyas of Gujarat:  
CHI : Cambridge History of India.  
CMI : Coins of Medieval India. 
DHNI : Dynastic History of Northern India.
IK : Dvyasraya - Kavya of Hemachandra.
ECD : Early Chauhan Dynasties         
ED : The History of India as told by its own Historians.
EHI : Early History of India.
EHNI : Early History of North India.
EI :  Epigraphia Indica.
HAB : History of Ancient Bengal.  .  
HC : History of the Chandellas of Jejakabhukti.
HK : History of Kanauj.
HM : Hammira - mahakavya of Nayachandra Suri
HMHI : History of Medieval Hindu India.
HPD : History of the Paramara Dynasty.  
IA : Indian Antiquary 
IC : Indian Culture.
IHQ : Indian Historical Quarterly.
JASB : Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
JBRAS : Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
JRAS : Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
KK : Kiriti Kaumudi of Somesvara.
PC : Prabandha Chintamani of Merutunga.
PIHC : Proceedings of the Indian History Congress.  
PR : Prthviraja - Raso of Chand Bardal.
PV : Prthvirajavijaya of Jayanaka.  
RMR : Rajputana Museum Report.


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Research Book Cover Page.

Part : 5.
Chapter1.Kingship.

Page 1.Since the king was the head of the state, it seems that it was felt necessary to raise to the throne a competent member of the ruling family. In the pre-independence period, as long as the Chahamanas acknowledged allegiance (निष्ठा )  to the Pratiharas, it was not much necessary that the ruler should be endowed with distinct qualities so as to enable him to direct the ship of the state; for there was the overlord (अधिपति) to guide him in difficult circumstances. A minor or a less capable person might very well occupy the position of the head of the state. Hence Samantaraja’s successors, like Naradeva, Jayaraja, Vigraharaja I, Chamundaraja I and Gopendraraja were all insignificant ( तुच्छ ) rulers. But after the attainment of independence, it was a matter of grave concern whether the state was in capable hands or not. Interestingly enough, just in this period we find the case of suppression of legal heirs by distant relatives within the ruling family. Thus after Viryarama’s death the throne ought to have passed to his elder son Durlabharaja, but we find from our accepted sources that Viryarama was succeeded by his brother Chamundaraka. 

1 PV,Canto V,Verse 68 ; Bijolia Inscription,Verse 14.

Forwarding of HOD.
Page 2.With the enhancement of the king’s position, his power and ambition began to increase. He was gradually actuated by the ambition of securing for himself an imperial authority, left as a legacy by the Pratiharas of Kanauj. This is evidenced by the assumption of great and high sounding titles. The early Chahamana rulers were satisfied with the simple titles of bhupa, nrpa and maharaja. 
But since the time of Prthviraja I, when the Chahamanas had consolidated enough power and authority they began to call themselves as Paramabhattaraka -Maharajadhiraja -Paramesvara, etc. 
Prthviraja II even assumed the title of Vharatesvara on account of his ambition to be the overlord of India. In addition to these imperious titles, a divine character was also attributed to these later Chahaman rulers by their court poets and chroniclers. The Delhi Sivalik pillar inscription calls Vigraharaja IV as Purushottama i.e. God Vishnu Himself. 
In the Hansi stone inscription, Prthviraja II si compared with Rama. The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that Prthviraja III and his brother Hariraja were the two ‘incarnations of Rama and Lakshmana.’

Page 3
King's Qualities and Qualifications.
Certification of HOD.Guide.

Let us now discuss the necessary qualities required for the king. The theoretical qualifications laid down by Sukra and Kamandaka are numerous but we need not devote much space to them, as they are the same as those described by the earlier political writers. Inscriptions and works on polity of our age emphasise that a king can became a successful ruler only if he waits upon the elders, studies the art of government, cultivates righteousness and protects his subjects as efficiently as the divine guardians. He was expected to be always in constant association with virtuous and learned men in order to derive the benefit of their experience and advice. He was to be kind-hearted and was not to oppress his subjects for his own selfish interest. A king, says Sukra, who is virtuous is divine in nature, one who is otherwise is devilish, he is destined for hell. The king had to observe discipline, for it brings prosperity to him. He was to be well-versed in Sastras and in different branches of learning. A king, who is well-grounded in all the Vidyas, is respected by the good; he can never be inclined to a wrong course even if impelled by evil advisers. Powess, strength, intelligence and valour were 1 Sukra, I,86-87.2 Ibid,148-9 

Page 4.other necessary qualities required for the king, a king devoid of these qualities, says the Mataya Purana, though wealthy, can never administer ever a small kingdom.The king is also advised to keep an even balance between dharma, artha and Kama.On the negative side the king is advised to give up excessive gambling and hunting. He was not expected to sleep by day, nor was he to be too much talkative. Over-indulgence in music and dancing was to be avoided. Six enemies namely excessive indulgence, anger, intoxication, envy, convetousness, and self-delusion were to be carefully guarded against. All the vyasanas were to be avoided. According to Somadeva, ‘A single vyasana is enough to destroy a powerful king, even possessing four kinds of armies, what to say if there are all of the combined.A good king should exert to eradicate these evils, keeping himself in the association of the learned men and away from the evil-doors.The records of our period usually describe the kings as possessing the above qualities prescribed by the Niti works. The Ratnapur inscription of the Chedi king Jajalladeva, informs us how king Prtithvideva 1.Agani Puran,239,2-5. 2.Nvk,p.62. 3.Ibid  

Page 5. possessed nobility, bravery and depth. The Khajuraho inscription dated C. 954 A.D. states that the king Harsha combined in himself eloquence, statesmanship, heroism, vigour, ambition, modesty and self-confidence.The king Sallakshanavarman is described as a master of the sacred lore, a kinsman of the virtuous, a store of arts and an abode of good conduct.The Pratihara records usually describe the kings as endowed with bravery, valour and modesty. The Chahamana king is described as the sun of prowess, who secured success and prosperity by his heroism.Prithvideva is described as the sun, endowed with the most intense brilliancy. Gonerosity, truth, statesmanship and heroism were the qualities of the Chahamana king. The king Vairisimha is described as endowed with might, generosity, bravery, resoluteness and good fortune.Inteligence, bravery, religiousness, truthfulness and gratitude were the qualities possessed by the Chahamana king, who had full controll over all his senses.King of the Chahamana dynasty was the master of prosody, grammar, logic and astronomy. He was also a store of arts and could compose poetry in many languages.
Page 6.Divinity of the King : The precise attitude of our period towards the doctrine of the divinity of the king is not easy to determine. The political writers of our age have, as a rule, postulated the functional resemblance between the king and some of the deities, as is generally done by earlier works like the Manu-Smrti and the Mahabharata. Thus Sukra states ‘Like Indra, the king protects the wealth; like Vayu, he is the cause of good and evil actions; like Yama, he is the punisher of offences; like Agni, he is the purifier and enjoyer of all the gifts; like Varuna, he nourishes his subjects and like Chandra, he delights everybody by virtuous activities.The Agnipurana does the same, when it states that the king assumes the forms of nine deities, namely, the Sun, the Moon, Vayu, Yama, Agni, Kubera, Varuna and Prithvi, when he discharges the different regal functions, e.g., like Chandra; the king gives delight to his subjects; like Vayu, he surveys the whole kingdom by means of spies etc. Several other Puranas like the Matsya the Padma and the Markandeya also accept the functional resemblance between the king and some of the deities. 

Page 7.All this evidence shows that the king was not regarded by our political writers as divine, though they regarded the king’s office as such. 
They generally state that the king resembles the deities only in the performance of his regal functions. It is further to be noted that if they compare the king to some deities, they also compare him to the father, the mother and the preceptor because of a similar resemblance of functions.Sukra, further emphatically points out at one place that kingship is due to previous merit and at another place attributes it to mere valour and bravery.But at no place does he state that the kingship arises because particles of different gods enter into the body of a king, as has been crudely done by Manu. He neither invests him with infallibility, nor enjoins absolute obedience to him, even if he was a wicked or worthless ruler, as was done by Narada in the earlier period.On the other hand, he regards the bad, vicious and reprobate king as a demon incarnate, and 

Page 8.advises the subjects not to obey him.He further calls that king a dacoit, if he forsakes his duty, disobeys the high ideal of kingship and oppresses the subjects. According to Sukra the question does not arise at all as to whether the subjects are to obey such a king; he openly encourages them to intrigue and conspire against him, and even to attempt to dethrone him with the help of neighbouring or feudatory kings, and to offer the crown to a virtuous prince or to any other capable member of the royal family.
The advice was not so difficult to follow in the past, when there were several feudatory rulers aspiring to the imperial position and when the ruler possessed an army not much more efficient than the forces that could be raised by the oppressed subjects in co-operation with the feudatory, whom they wanted to enthrone.There was however another school, probably of courtiers, which was inclined to accept the divinity of the king more or less in a literal sense. According to this school, the king was regarded as a divine incarnation. Some of the epigraphs of our age were written by authors,
 
Page 9.who subscribed to this view.The climax of this tendency is to be seen in the practice of building temples not only in honour of dead kings, as was the case under the Kushanas, but even of living kings. In one of the Chahamana records, king Luntigadeva is said to have set up images of himself and his queen, this obviously must have been done for being enshrined in the temple. It is quite possible that the prevailing tendency of ascribing divinity to the royal personages and of regarding them as divine incarnations may be responsible for the erection of temples to living kings.
Whether  advocates of this school, which regarded the king as a divine incarnation, were prepared to hold him as infallible and above  public secrutiny, we do not know. Probably they did so, as would appear from a passage in the Kadambari. It is very likely that the political writers of our period like Sukra may have propounded their theories as a reply to the extreme views advocated by the courtiers and expressed in some of our epigraphs.
King's Functios.
The king was the supreme head of the executive judicial and military administration. His paramount duty as the head of the Government was to protect the people and work for their welfare.

Page 10. Sukra clearly states at one place that the highest Dharma of the king is to protect the subjects and to put down the wicked. Kamandaka says that the protection of the subjects is possible only if law and order are preserved in society; the king should take proper steps to achieve this goal. Being the head of the judicial administration, the king was to administer law impartially and to ascertain carefully whether proper justice was administered by lower courts. The monarch, states, Sukra, who proceeds according to the dictates of law, is blessed with virtue, wealth and enjoyment. Kamandaka advises the king to impose just punishment upon the culprits according to the offences committed by them. Being the head of the military administration, the king looked after the proper maintenance of the army and had to take steps to increase its efficiency. He was to make proper arrangements for the training and discipline of the fighting forces. The king, who does not increase the strength of his army.strength of his army, who does not protect his subjects and who does not make other princes to pay him tributes is compared to barren sesame.

Page 11. Besides these functions, the king had to promote Dharma, Artha and Kama for the religious, socio-economic and aesthetic progress of the society. He was to encourage virtue and morality. He was to help all the religious sects. He was to maintain or support hospitals, rest houses and educational institutions, and had to encourage trade, industry, agriculture and fine arts.
Cornation In our period, the coronation ceremony was usually performed soon after the death of the last ruler, There is no evidence to show that it was postponed to the time when the king attained majority. Of course if a king was minor at the time of the ceremony, a regent carried on the administration for him.
The coronation ceremony of our period differed considerable from that in the Vedic and post-Vedic times; it will be therefore necessary to survey its earlier history in some details in order to understand the new developments in our age.

Page 12.The history of cornation goes back to hoary antiquity. Even in the Vedic period we find it being solemnly performed with sacred mantras. It consisted of several rituals among which the Rajasuya was the most important one; next to it were the ‘Vajapeya’ and the ‘Sarvamedha’. According to the Aitareya-Brahmana, the king would secure Samrajya, bhaujya, svarajya, Vairajya, etc. by performing the Rajasuya sacrifice. According to the Satapatha-Brahmana, however, the ceremony but to insugurate the reign of the king, however small. In this sacrifice the king used to take an oath undertaking not to work against the interest of the priestly order.
The Vajapeya sacrifice lays down some rituals, which are followed by the chariot race, which was its main feature. The king was of course expected to win in this race and was then proclaimed and installed to the high office. It is however important to note that in the Vedic period the Vajapeya was of lesser political importance than the Rajasuya. In the later Vedic period the Vajapeya however obtained the higher rank than the Rajasuya because it was believed that by performing the former, one secures the imperial position, while by performing the latter, one attains to mere royalty.

Page 13.Another important feature of the Vajapeya sacrifice was the Ratnin oblations, which were offered by the king to the Ratnins, (important courtiers and officials) by repairing to their houses.
In the epic period, the royal oath formed an important part in the coronation ceremony. The Mahabharata admonishes the king ‘Take the oath in mind, word and deed, namely I shall always look after the welfare of the people, regarding it as supreme; whatever is prescribed by the rules of ethics, I shall always abide by, I shall never be selfwilled.’
In the coronation ceremony of our period, however, the Vedic rituals like the Vajapeya and the Rajasuya do not figure at all. The Vedic mantras had become unintelligible; due to the complicated and complex nature of the sacrificial rituals and greater repugnance for sacrificial slaughter, Vedic religion had gone out to vogue. The Ratnins, who played an important part in the Vajapeya sacrifice of the Vedic period also disappeared in our age. There is no doubt that the ministers had taken their place, but it was no longer customary for the king to go to their houses to offer any oblations at the time of the coronation.

Page 14.During our age king’s power was regarded as supreme and the tendency to deify him was getting stronger. That the king should take an oath to rule without oppressing the people was probably regarded as incompatible with his power and dignity. Chariot race and the dice play also ceased to be important elements of the ceremony.
We thus see that the Vedic form of coronation had gone out of vogue. Some Vedic rituals like Vasodhara were performed and a number of Vedic mantras were recited, but they do not appear to be connected with coronation. A number of Pauranic rituals like Graha and Nakshatra-santi were introduced, attesting to the faith in astrology of the age. These rites are described by Lakshmidhara in the Rajadharmakanda of Kritya-Kalpataru, relying upon the authority of epics and puranas.
Let us now survey the important features of the coronation ceremony of our period. The proper date and auspicious time for the coronation were first settled by the court astrologer. It may be noted here that the Vedic rituals do not refer to any astrological considerations; in our period, however, astrology became a popular science and people began to have more faith in it, so the advice of the astrologer was usually taken on every important occasion.

Page 15 A chief priest was then chosen, who was to direct the rites. It was essential that he should not be the chief priest of any other ruler; only in that case he can pray to God for the paramount sovereignty and prosperity of only one ruler and none else. The preceptor of the king and the ministers were then to be presented to the king.A number of preliminary arrangements were made for the coronation. The palace and the capital were beautifully decorated. The main roads were washed by clean and fresh water. Gold, precious stones, jewels white garlands, fried rice, honey, ghee, weapons, new raiments, a white umbrella, a complete tiger skin and many other similar things required for the occasion were collected. An elephant with auspicious marks was also brought for the state procession after the coronation. Similarly a chariot was also made ready, so that the king might mount on it before going to make a circuit of the capital.The ceremony started with a ceremonial bath, given to the king by the water procured from the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamuna at Prayaga and from other holy streams as well.The king then performed a number of propitiatory rites, among which the Vinayaka-santi, the Grahasanti, the Aindri-santi and the Abhyudaya-sraddha were the most important.

Page 16 The Vinayaka-santi, was performed to overcome obstacles, the Graha – or Nakshatra-santi was intended toward off evil influences of the planets and stars. The followed the Abhyudaya – or Nandi-sraddha, which was an inevitable ritual to be observed on every auspicious occasion. After the Abhyudaya-saraddha, the king used to worship Vishnu and Divine Mothers. The Vasordhara sacrifice, which followed this worship consisted of 401 ghee offerings made continuously to fire in order to fulfill all varieties of desires. For along time, it was connected with the royal coronation and was performed at the time of the consecration ceremony, as is shown by the Nandsa inscription. It was regarded as a kind of superior consecration ceremony for the royal sacrificer himself, more potent than the Rajasuya or the Vajapaya.
The Aindri-santi, the most important rite, which was performed before the actual coronation, followed the Vasordhara sacrifice. Its aim was to overcome internal and external enemies of the king. It was thus an important element in the coronation ceremony.On the day of the actual Abhisheka, the priest decorated with turban and carrings, used to start the ceremony by propitiating the sacred fire with offerings.

Page 17.A few Vedic Mantras were then recited, but they are really not connected with the royal coronation. Some of them like Ritashadi and Yata-Indra are  calculated to make the king powerful and to promote the prosperity of the nation. Majority of Mantras, however, like Indriganya, which is not yet traced, Ashuhsishana  which, describes the power of Indra, Agatsatya,which refers to the oblation to truth, Yaste-agne  which refers to the sanctification of fire on an altar and Svastida,in which, Indra is asked to drink Soma juice, have no connection at all with the coronation ceremony, and thus are not of any political significance.After the recitation of the Vedic Mantras, the king was again given a bath with Panchagavya, consisting of Milk, curds, ghee, sugarand honey. It is interesting to note that the bath with Panchagavya is not referred to by the Vedic texts, it is therefore an innovation ofthe Pauranic age. Further, in the Vedic period, it was the priest only, who used to give this bath to the king; none others enjoyed this privilage. In our period, such was not however the case.

Page 18. Representatives of all the four castes, including the Sudra, were permitted to besprinkle the king. The Sudras, the Vaisayas, the Kshatriyas, and the Brahmanas standing respectively to the west, south, east and north used to besprinkle the king by the water, milk, curd and ghee (also described as nectar) using earthen, copper, silver and gold pots  respectively. This perhaps indicates that the king was anxious to have the good-will of all the classes of his subjects on the occasion of his coronation.After the bath, the limbs of the king were rubbed by the earth collected from twelve different localities. The selection of the spots from which the earth was collected is not quite at random; some of them have symbolic importance. For instance, the mountain is the highest place on the earth, and the rubbing of the king’s head with the earth obtained from the summits of mountains was naturally believed to make the king as prominent as a mountain peak. The right hand of the king was rubbed with the dust dug with the tusk of an elephant and the left hand with the found adhering to the horns of a bull. Now we know that the elephant and the bull are both the symbols of strength and power and the earth dug by them was thought to make the king most powerful.

Page 19 The temple was regarded as the most holy place, and the earth obtained from it was used to rub the king’s face. The face is the most significant limb of a person, and its rubbing with this holy earth was obviously to sanctify the entire person of the king. The rubbing of the remaining of the king’s limbs with the earth obtained from other diverse localities like an ant-hill, a house of a prostitute, a confluence of streams, a horse-stable, a conqushed and a river bed had probably similar significance, though it cannot be now fully understood.
After this symbolic rubbing, the king was asked by the priest to sit on a bhadrasana; he was then besprinkled with water falling through a golden sieve (having hundred and eight holes) by the members of four castes, by chaste women and by women with living husband and children. The king then used to see hundred auspicious objects and hundred and eight holy articles. The remaining rites were then performed and lastly the purnahuti or the final oblation was offered to the fire. All these are new details in the coronation ritual introduced in our age reflecting to changed outlook.

Page 20. Later on the king used to worship Ganesha, Brahma, Vishnu and Siva and also other deities popular in contemporary times. For the satisfaction of the planets, the gods and the manes, he used to bestow gifts on worthy recipients; an assurance of safety was also given to all living beings. The prisoners were then released. It is interesting to not that the custom of releasing the prisoners was prevalent in India since very early times; we find the great emperor Asoka releasing the prisoners on every anniversary of his coronation. The release of cattle, advocated by Lakshmidhara, is perhaps a grotesque extension of the principle of the release of all under confinement at the coronation time. Probably only a few cattle were let loose as a matter of formality.
When this was done, the king was seated on a lion throne covered with a tiger skin and the chief priest used to present him the customary madhuparka offering. Having worshipped his weapons and royal umbrella (Chhatra), he used to give audience  to his subjects. Then started the coronation procession. For a time the king used to ride a charger, but after a short while, he used to exchange the horse for an elephant. The royal procession went through the principal thorough-fares of the metropolis. The city gods in temples were visited and worshipped at that time and largesses were scattered all the way. After returning to the palace, royal servants and guests were offered a feast, which marked the end of the coronation.

Page 21.King's Titles : We will now discuss the different royal titles in use in our period. During the last half of the 1st. Millennium before the Christian era, Indian kings were content with the simple title Raja. In all his records, the great Mauryan emperor Asoka calls himself merely a Raja; he does not bear any high sounding epithet. When the Scythians and the Kushanas established themselves in northern India, they popularised the imperial title Rajatiraja, ‘King of kings’ . Later on when the Guptas became imperial rulers, they transformed the title Rajatiraja into Maharajadhiraja, which soon became popular with the great conquerors and imperial rulers of India.
During our period the title Maharajadhiraja was usually used by the emperors. In Rajasthan, Bihar and Bengal kings used to have variations of this title like ‘samastarajavalivirajita’. ‘paramesvara’ and ‘paramabhattaraka’.

Page 22. Many Chahamana kings assumed the title Vividhavidya-vichara-vachaspati, ‘deep scholar engaged in pondering over the different branches of learning.’ This shows that some kings were anxious to assume titles testifying to their scholarship or patronage of learning. In one of his inscriptions, the king Hammiravarmadeva calls himself Paramabhattaraka Shahiraja (C.I. XX, 135). The title Shahiraja was undoubtedly adopted by him from the Muslims, who had established themselves in the northwest by his time. In earlier times, of course,this title was used by the Kushanas.It is somewhat surprising to note, that the title Maharajadhiraja was sometimes used by the feudatories also. Thus for instance, Mathanadeva, who was a feudatory of the king Vijayapaladeva calls himself Maharajadhiraja Parmesvara in the Rajor inscription.Dharavarsha, the feudatory of the king Yasovarman, is described as Maharajadhiraja , Mahamandalesvara in the Kalavan plates. This tendency probably indicates the growing aspirations of feudatories and the waving power of their overlords.

Page 23  There were also some titles in use, indicating the king’s faith in a particular religion or sect. Thus Dharmapala and Devapala, the two great Pala rulers, called themselves as Paramasugata in their records, clearly showing that they were the followers of Buddhism. The title Paramamahesvara which was assumed by a number of kings of the dynasties in Northern India, indicates that the ruler were the worshippers of Siva. Similarly some of the Pratihara kings assumed the title Paramasaktibhaktas, which indicates their faith in the worship of Sakti
Was  Monarchy Limited : It is important to note that though the king was the centre of all military, political, administrative and judicial powers, he was expected not to behave arbitrarily. Hindu political writers have imposed a number of checks upon the king to prevent him from becoming an autocrat.In ancient India, sovereignty was executive rather than legislative. In other words, the king had no legislative power. He was expected to act according to the rules and laws framed not by himself but by the wise sages and immemorial custom. He had to respect desadharma (local customs), Jatidharma (Caste rules), Kuladharma (family traditions), and srenidharma (guild regulations), which together constituted the law of the land. 

Page 24 PV clearly says that it is only by following the Dharma or law that the king can earn fame in the world. He could not however make the law, nor could he act against it, because the law was regarded as more divine, than the king himself. He was made to realise that there was nothing higher than Dharma and that he must and he should act according to it. Kamandaka says that it is only by following the law that the king can enjoy the kingdom for a long time. One, who acts against the rules of Dharma, goes to hell.Dharma alone brings prosperity to the kingdom and fame to the king. The king should therefore act according to its dictates.
The political writers of our period like those of the earlier ages regard the king as a servant of the people appointed to protect them. Narada says that taxation is nothing but king’s pay for the protection of his subjects. According to Apararka, who flourished in our period, no one ever makes a payment without expecting a return; the taxes are therefore paid in return for protection expected from the king. Sukra goes a step further and says that since the people pay him taxes, the king should serve them as a dasa or a servant.

Page 25.The above statements are not to be taken literally; but they are obviously intended to convey to the king that if the people paid the taxes, it was his duty to protect them as their servant, specially appointed for this work.
The political writers of our period have gone a step further and declared the king to be a trustee for the people. They have advisedhim not to spend the state revenues for his own personal enjoyment. They have clearly maintained that the taxes, which the king collects, are held by him only as a trust for the subjects, and are to be used only for their welfare. This king is repeatedly informed that the treasury is not his own personal or private property. Sukra maintains that the king, who spends therevenues for the maintenance of the army, for the welfare of the subjects and for the performance of sacrifices, gets the hapiness in this as well as in the next life, but the king, who spends it otherwise, goes down to hell.
The Agni-Purana, however, goes a step still furtherand declares that the king’s responsibilities are greater than those of trustees; the latter is not called upon to sacrifice his own interests in favour of the object of trust; the king has to do so. 

Page 26. This authority compares the king to an expectant mother and states that just as the latter sacrifices her own pleasures and conveniences for promoting the growth and welfare of the baby in her womb, in the same way the king must sacrifice his own ease, convenience and happiness, so that the subjects committed to his care may prosper both materially and spiritually. The Markandeya-Purana also advocates the same view, when it states that the body of the king is not meant for pleasures and enjoyment; it has to put up with great troubles and worries, while carrying out the royal duty of protecting the subjects and fulfilling the Dharma.
To sum up, a passage in Sukra, I, 78-81 gives us perhaps a very good glimpseinto the views of the age about the king. Like a father,the king was to promote the building up of good character in his subjects; like a mother, he was to forgive them; like a teacher, he was to offer them good advice, like a brother, he was to ensure them a proper share in the revenues of the states; like a friend, he was to guard their secrets; like Kubera, he was to grant them wealth and like Yama, he was to mete out just punishments. In IV, 2, 131 Sukra sums up the whole position, when he maintains that the king was a servant of the people as he received his wages from the, but he was also their lord as he offered them protection.

Page 27. A functionary, who was to discharge so many diverse duties, could of course not afford to act capriciously. He is at every step asked to act after consulting his ministers, preceptors and Brahmanas. Sukra advises the king to act normally according to the advice of his ministers and preceptors. He clearly states that the king, who does not listen to his ministers and acts according to his own whims, will be soon destroyed. Even the wisest king cannot know everything, for different persons have different aptitudes.Even Manu, who has put forth the rather crude theory that the king’s body is fashioned out of the particles from the bodies of Dikpalas, reminds him that he can never hope to govern the kingdom well, except with the genuine co-operation of his ministers and advisers. We thus see that the ministers are expected to play an important part in preventing the king from becoming an autocrat.
Kings usually become arbitrary when they are not given good education and training. Our political writers have therefore insisted that proper steps should be taken in this direction. The training of the king taught him to be pious and religious to cultivate good manners and to respect the public opinion.

Page 28.Our political writers have also imposed a number or religious and moral checks upon the king in order to prevent him from becoming an arbitrary ruler. They assert that a king, who does not rule according to the law and oppresses the subjects, will go to hell. This threat of hell had a great terror in ancient times and it served as a great deterrent.
Public opinion was also expected to play an important part in checking the arbitrary powers of the king. Through his spies, he was to ascertain what his subjects thought of him and his administration and was to mend matters, if necessary.
We thus see that the political writers of our period have devised a number of administrative, moral and religious checks in order to prevent the king from becoming an autocrat. The records of our period, however, further reveal how a great decentralization of the functions of the Government was brought about, and how it served to protect the interests of the people. Large powers were vested in district, town and village administrations, which could be effectively supervised and controlled by local non-official councils, in which the voice of the people had the upper hand. 

Page 29.The village and town councils of our period discharged almost all the functions of Government, except that of organising a regular army, determining foreign policy and declaring and conducting a war. This extensive decentralization was an effective check upon the powers of the king in ancient India.
How far the above checks and devises were successful in serving as breaks on royal power and in preventing it from becoming arbitrary is however difficult to determine. During our period there were some virtuous and able kings, who worked hard for the welfare of the people and for the all round progress of their kingdom. But there were also some tyrants, who oppressed the subjects and ruled arbitrarily. The Rajatarangini supplies many instances of such cruel and unprincipled rulers, who were helped by the Damara, Ekangas and Kayastha in their oppressive activities. Very probably some of the monarchs of the dynasties surveyed in this work might have belonged to the same category. An account of their maladministration does not occur in our inscriptions probably because they were composed by their court poets. Or it may be that normally a successful rival tothe throne did not care to describe the administration of the ruler, he had ousted. What was the percentage of tyrants to good rulers cannot be unfortunately ascertained at present.

Page 30.The kings, who ruled in an arbitrary way in our period, could doso, because moral checks like those described above, were not always effective and constitutional checks like those in modern times did not exist in our age. In the Vedic period, the Samiti apparently functioned as a constitutional check and controlled the king more or less like a modern parliament. But during our period, there was no such body, which could control a wicked ruler or bring his administration to a standstill. It may be noted that the same was the case in Europe also in contemporary times. The ministry could sometimes control a king, but normally this was difficult for it because ministers were appointed by king and held office during his pleasure.
The philosophy of the resistance to misrule was not properly developed during the period. Our political writers regarded the king to be a servant and the kingdom to be a trust. What action was to be taken by people, if the august servant and trustee did not discharge the duties properly is not discussed by the writers. Rights of the people have not received that attention, which the modern age would have liked to be paid to them. The result was that there were no constitutional checks developed in our period, as was the case everywhere else.

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Central Theme of the Chapter 3.
The Dynastic Rulers of Chauhan Dynasty.

Earlier 9th Century.
Vasudeva : ( 6th Century CE)
Samant Raja : (684 - 709 CE)
Naradeva
Ajayraja I
Vigrahraja I
Chandraraja.I
Gopendraraja 
Durlabhraja I
Govindraja I

About 10 to 11th century.
Chandanraja
Vakpatiraja I
Simha raja : ( 944 - 971 CE)
Vigahraja II : ( 973 - 998) the first king to establish his kingdom independently.
Durlabhraja
Govindraja III
Vakpatiraja II
Viryarama
Chamundaraja
Durlabhraj III
Vigrahraja 3rd : (1070 - 1090 CE)
Prithiviraja I  : ( 1090 -1110 AD about )

In 12 th Century.
Ajayraja Second  : (1110 - 1130) known as Ajayadeva and Salhana.
He established Ajay Meru and Ajmer cities.He continued the policy of imperialism.
His wife's name was Sonal Devi.
Arnoraj : (1135 - 1150)
Jugadeva : (  1150 CE   ) the eldest son of Arnoraj
Vigrahraja 4th : (1153 - 1164) son of Arnoraj known as Vishaldeo.
Apargangeya : (1164 - 1165 ) son of Vigrahraja 
Prithivibhatt or Prithiviraj Second : (1165 - 1170).Parent Jugadeva and queen Sudhava
Somesvara - Karpuradevi : (1170 - 1177).Somesvara was the youngest son of Arnoraj.
Prihiviraja III : (1177 - 1192).Son of Somesvara and Karpurdevi.Chandbardai court poet who wrote the Pritvirajraso.
Govindraj IV.
Hariraja ( 1193-1194 ) was the last ruler of Chahamana Dynasty defeated by Qutubuddin Aibak.He was compelled to go to Ranthambhor whose dynasty was ended by Allaudin Khilji in 1301.


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Page 32.Chapter 2.
Page 33.MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY ANDTHE MINISTRY
(A) MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL FAMILY :
Queens : It seems that the Chahamana Queen used to take some positive part in the benevolent activities and sometimes in the administrative matters. The Prthvirajavijaya refers to the establishment of innumerable temples of Shiva on the bank of the Pushkara by Rudrani, the Queen of Chandana. A Jayaraja’s wife Somalekha was so influential that she used ‘to coin fresh (nava) rupakas every day.’ This has been well substantiated by the discovery of certain silver and copper coins bearing on the obverse the legend Sri Somaladevi. But the most shining among the Chahamana Queens was Karpuradevi, the mother of Prthviraja III. On his death-bed king Somesvara had appointed her as the regent of the state during Prthviraja’s minority. She fully justified the confidence reposed on her by her husband. During her regency the country remained free from dangers, both internal and external, and peace and prosperity prevailed in the kingdom, This has been well attested by the Prthvirajavijaya.

Page 33.Yuvaraja : We now turn to a discussion of the role of the various members of the royal family in the administration of our period. The first person to consider is the Yuvaraja or the crown prince. It may be observed at the outset that the Yuvaraja was regarded as an important member of the administration by our political writers. Sukra compares him to the right eye and the right ear of the king; he was to be consulted on important administrative problems.
Naturally great care was bestowed upon the proper training of the crown prince. The crown prince is particularly warned that he should not become insolent on account of his privileged position.He was to be respectful to the king and considerate to his brothers. He was to help his father in carrying on the administration on proper lines and to the satisfaction of the subjects.

Page 34.Though the Yuvaraja was an important member of the administration, our political writers do not include him in the ministry, probably because an heir-apparent, old enough to participate in administration, was not always available. We may presume that when a Yuvaraja, old enough to bear the burden of administration, was available, he was included in the ministry. Possibly he may have occupied the status of the Pratinidhi in Sukra’s cabinet.
We often find the Yuvaraja exercising the royal prerogative of granting villages, of course with the permission of the reigning king. Thus under the Gahadavalas, Yuvaraja Govindchandra is seen granting a village in 1104 A.D., after taking his father’s permission.Similarly Yuvaraja Jayachandradeva donated the village of Haripur to Praharajasarman with the consent of his father. Yuvaraja Asphotachandra issued a copper-plate in 1134 A.D., bearing his father Govindachandra’s seal. All this evidence shows that under the Chahamanas and the Gahadevalas, the crown prince enjoyed the right of making land grants after taking the emperor’s permission. Probably such was also the case with other dynasties, though it is not revealed by their records.

Page 35.Some records of the Chahamanas of Nanol refer to the rule of both the king and the crown prince at the beginning. Thus the Sevadi inscription refers both to Maharajadhiraja Asvaraja and the Yuvaraja Katukaraja.Another inscription from the same place refers to the king Katukaraja along with their apparent Jayantasimha.
These cases would show that when the ruling kings were old, or incapacitated, the heir-apparent naturally exercised almost all the powers of the ruling king. The seal of the Yuvaraja was often regarded as necessary even when the seal of the king was there. Thus Madanapala as Yuvaraja put his own seal on his father’s grant.
Younger Princes :The younger princes during our period enjoyed suitable titles. Rajyapala, a younger son of Gahadavala king Govindachandra, is described as ‘Samastarajaprakriyopeta.’They were often appointed to some important posts in the administration. Sometimes they were in the ministry also. Thus under the Chahamanas, prince Sallakshanapala was appointed as the prime minister by his own father, king Visaladeva.

Page 36.This practice does not seem to be very common, for there was the danger in such cases that the junior prince may conspire to secure the succession for himself.
Princes are often seen taking keen interest in the administration. One of the Chahamana inscriptions described prince Jajalla as Rajyachitaka, i.e. supervising or pondring over the problems of the administration. Another inscription of the same dynasty informs us, how even the king sometimes used to take help from the princes in the important administrative matters. Thus in the Amaridakshina proclamation of the king Alhanadeva, his two sons, Gajasimha and Kelhanadeva, are both stated to be concurring with him.This clearly shows that grown-up princes under the Chahamanas exercised considerable influence in the administration. It is also possible that Alhanadeva had become old by this time and was being assisted in administration by his two sons.

Page 37.Princes more frequently appear as the governors of towns in our records. Thus under the Chahamanas, king Gajasimha appointed his son Chamundaraja as the governor of Mandavyapura in 1170 A.D.Similarly the king Kelhana appointed his son Vikramasimha to the same post in 1180 A.D.In 1185 A.D., Mandavyapura had another royal governor Sotala, who was also a son of king Kelhana.We thus see that different princes were appointed as governors of Mandavyapura at different times. Even if they would have enjoyed it as a fief, they could do so only for a short period, for it was regranted in succession. The above cases hail from Rajastha only, but it is not unlikely that the same was the case with other provinces also.
To carry on the town administration properly, the prince governors were aided by military officers. Thus when Gajasimha was acting as a governor of Mandavyapura, Sauliki Jasadhana assisted him as his Baladhipa; this officer had been allotted the revenues of village Jhamara, probably as part of his pay.He, however, could not make any alienation from his income, for we are told that when he was assigning a drama from his income, he had to take the consent of the royal governor Gajasimha.

Page 38.Sometimes princes also enjoyed considerable prestige. Thus when Maharajaputra Rajyapala, younger son of the Gahadavala king Govindachandra, granted the village of Gamawami together with some pattalas to Pandita Damodarasarman, he was allowed to put his own seal on the charter, though he had to take the permission of his father for the grant of the village.
For their personal enjoyment and expenses, princes were usually given fiefs known as Seja under the Chahamanas. It is, however, important to note that usually the princes had no full rights over their fiefs, i.e. they were not regarded as their personal property. For sometimes we find the central government exercising the power of assigning revenues out of these fiefs. Thus Kelhanadeva granted a well in 1165 A.D., which was situated within the fief of Ajayapaladeva. We may well presume that similar practice prevailed in other dynasties also.
Princes usually could not alienate land out of their fiefs. But they seem to have often enjoyed the right of assigning small portion of the income as a gift for a charitable purpose without taking the king’s permission. 

Page 39.Thus the Chahamana prince Kirtipala, who was given a fief of twelve villages, granted a yearly sum of two drammas from each of the twelve villages to the Jina Mahavira at Naddulai.
Probably the extent of a prince’s fief differed according to circumstances. Sometimes we find that a number of villages were given as a fief, as was the case with the Chahamana prince Kirtipala, who was ejoying twelve villages as his fief. On the other hand, sometimes,only one village was given as a fief to two princes, as was the casewith the Rajaputras Lakhanapala and Abhayapala, who were both enjoying one village as a fief in 117 A.D.It appears that the extent of the fief depended upon the extet and resources of the kingdom and the importance of the grantee.
(B) THE MINISTRYIn discussing the Chahamana polity of Sakambhari, the question arises whether the state policy was directed by the king himself, or by the king along with his ministers. In the pre-indepedence period it seems that as long as the Chahamanas were under the Pratihara rule, they had no independent policy to persue. Hence the ministerial role in the administration was insignificant. 

Page 40. But with the attainment of independence the condition completely changed. Hence-forth the entire responsibility for evolving an independent policy fell directly on the shoulder of the king. Obviously he thought it wise to take advice from experinenced men in public affairs in conducting the business of the state. It is interesting to note that the term Mantri or minister was first emphasised by the Chahamana records in the post-independence period. The Prthvirajavijava mentions one Madhava as the Mantri of Durlabharaja II. It seems that this Madhava had some role in consolidating the kingdom of Sakambhari, recently freed outside control.
Though the king used to take advice of his minister in all important matters, yet it was his discretion to accept it or not. Vigraharaja IV rejected the advice of his minister Sridhara as to the course of action he would follow against the Muslim danger. Similarly Prthviraja III acted contrary to the advice of his minister Somesvara on the eve of the second battle of Tarain.
But the power and influence of the minister were felt, if there was a serious situation or during the rule of a minor in the state. 

Page 41.When Prthviraja II died childless, intrigues and disorders were likely to prevail in the Chahamana kingdom. At that critical moment the ministers decided to bring back his uncle Somesvara from Gujarat in order to instal him on the throne of Sakambhari. Somesvara thus became the Chahamana ruler due to the help of his ministers. We find again that the ministers rendered valuable assistance to Karpuradevi in carrying on the administration durig the minority of Prthviraja III. It was very likely that these ministers exercised enough power and influence in the kingdom in such circumstances.
The Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription refers to one Mahamantri during the rule of Vigraharaja IV. The mention of the terms Mantri and Maha-mantri in the Chahamana records during the reigns of Durlabharaja II and Vigraharaja IV respectively is really interesting. This tends to show the development of a hierarchy in the ministry in the later stage of the Chahamana rule. This may be explained by the fact that in the period of consolidation of the just independent Chahamana kingdom, the administration was obviously a simple one prevailing over a small area. Consequently the ministerial function was limited in scope, and need was yet felt for a proper gradation of the post. But during the period of so-called Chahamana imperialism, the kingdom was considerably called Chahamana imperialism, the kingdom was considerably increased in size. 

Page 42 The administration did not remain a simple one, and the ministers grew in number and importance to look after the vast territory. The obviously led to the development of the hierarchy in the ministry with differet works to perform. In other words, some sort of a council of ministers was probably formed, headed by the Maha-mantri. We should, therefore, try to form an idea of this council of ministers on the basis of the available Chahamana records.
MAHA-MANTRI  In the council of ministers the Maha-mantri or chief minister obviously became the most important member. As the head of the council, he advised the king in administration, and supervised the work of the council. This post, therefore, was generally reserved for the royal family or for a very able and influential person. Vigraharaja IV’s chief minister was his own son Sallakshnapala. Prthviraja III’s chief minister Kadambavasa appears to be a very able and influential person in the Chahamana court. As the chief minister, he had rendered great service to Queen-mother Karpuradevi during her regency,and cotinued to do so during the early part of Prthviraja III’s reign.The Chahamana king always attached a great importance to the advice of this experienced chief minister. 

Page 43.This is well illustrated in his policy towards Bhimadeva II of Gujarat, when the latter was attached by Muhammad Ghuri.
SENAPATI :In an age of constant warfare, the Senapati comander of the army must have been a very important person in the state. He was the ‘war minister’, and probably occupied a position in the ministry next to the chief minister. It was, therefore, quite likely that only a member of the royal family or a very able and trusted person was appointed to that important post.Vigraharaja IV’s Seapati was his maternal uncle Simhabala. Queen Karpuradevi’s uncle Bhuvanaikmalla became the commander of the army during her regency as well as in the early part of Prthviraja’s reign. Prthviraja’s next commander was Skanda whose father and grand-father were the foreign ministers in the Chahamana court.

Page 44.It was the duty of the Senapati to organise the army and to help and advise the king in military affairs by accompanying him in battle. But the final authority always rested with the king. This is clearly illustrated in PrthvirajaIII’s campaign against Nagarjuna which he under took without consulting or taking his commander alongwith him.
SANDHIVIGRAHIKA :The Viruddhavidhi-vidhvamsa mentions that Skanda and his son Sodha became one after another the Sandhivigrahika of Somesvara. Sodha’s son Vamana also succeeded to that post during the reign of Prthviraja III.
As the name signifies, Sandhivigrahika  was the minister for peace and war. He advised the king on foreign affairs. He thus appears to be the syonymous with the present foreign minister. We do not know how much power ad influence were vested into the hands of this minister. It seems quite unlikely that the king should ask a lesser minister to decide such vital issues as the affairs of war and peace in the period of continuous dynastic struggles and Muslim aggressions. He, therefore, must have been a very capable and dependable person to the king. 

Page 45.So the ministery was likely to be hereditary in character, if the son was found as suitable as his father. That is why Skanda served the Chahamana dynasty in foreign affairs on an hereditary basis.
In dealing with foreign affairs, the Sandhivigrahika had to draft royal charters. Hence he was expected of good scholarship. The Viruddha-vidhi-vidhvamsa also mentions that Skanda and his successors to the foreign ministry were all learned scholars.
From the Viruddha-vidhi-vidhvamsa it further appears that the Sandhivigrahika not only dealt with the civil administration, but also participated in the battle field as well. Skanda was ‘a lion to the elephants in the form of the host of enemies.’ (Verse 6). His son was Sodha, who was ‘unbearable to the enemies’ (verse 7). It seems, therefore, that there was o water-tight compartment between the civil and military affairs. The administration of the country was carried on as a whole unit, and the distribution of works was made according to efficiency and convenience.
MINISTER FOR LITERARY ACTIVITY : The Chahamana rulers like Vigraharaja IV and Prthviraja III were great patrons of art and literature. The Prthvirajavijaya calls the former Kavibandhava or friend of the poets. 

Page 46.The latter took a keen interest in religious and literary discussions where poets and scholars used to participate from all quarters. It is interesting to note that literary activity received so much royal patronage that a new ministry seems to have been created for that purpose. The Prthvirajavijaya mentions one such minister, named Padmanabha, who was in charge of the literary activity in the state during the reign of Vigraharaja IV. It was his main duty to arrange all conferences of poets and Scholars.

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Central Theme of the Chapter 3.
Vasudeva : ( 6th Century CE)
Samant Raja : (684 - 709 CE)
Simha raja : ( 944 - 971 CE)
Vigahraja Second : ( 973 - 998) the first king to establish his kingdom independently.
Vigrahraja 3rd : (1070 - 1090 CE)
Prithiviraja I  : ( 1090 -1110 AD about )
Ajayraja Second  : (1110 - 1130) known as Ajayadeva and Salhana.
He established Ajay Meru and Ajmer cities.
He continued the policy of imperialism.
His wife name was Sonal Devi.
Arnoraj : (1135 - 1150)
Jugadeva : (  1150 CE   ) the eldest son of Arnoraj
Vigrahraja 4th : (1153 - 1164) son of Arnoraj known as Vishaldeo.
Apargangeya : (1164 - 1165 ) son of Vigrahraja 
Prithivibhatt or Prithiviraj Second : (1165 - 1170).Parent Jugadeva and queen Sudhava
Somesvara - Karpuradevi : (1170 - 1177).Somesvara was the youngest son of Arnoraj.
Prihiviraja III : (1177 - 1192).Son of Somesvara and Karpurdevi.Chandbardai court poet who wrote the Pritvirajraso.
Hariraja ( 1193-1194 ) was the last ruler of Chahamana Dynasty defeated by Qutubuddin Aibak.He was compelled to go to Ranthambhor whose dynasty was ended by Allaudin Khilji in 1301.
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Chapter 3.
THE CHAHAMANA OVERLORDSHIP. 
Page 47. In this chapter we have discussed the struggle of the Chahamana for suzerainty over Northern India. Although, the thems of overlordship is not directly related with the administration of the period, even then indirectly it throws light upon the prevailing war strategy of the kings, undoubtedly a part of the administrative pattern of the Chahamana.
AJAYARAJA : Prthviraja I’s successor was his son Ajayaraja known also as Ajayadeva and Salhana. Since the Revasa stone inscriptions of V.S. 1196 ( 1139 A.D.)were issued during the reign of his son Arnoraja, it may be presumed that Prthviraja I and Ajayaraja might have ruled during the first three decades of the 12th century. Ajayaraja’s reign may, therefore, be placed in between C. 1110-1130 A.D.
This period was one of intense warlike activities in Western India. The grim struggle between the Chaulukyas and the Paramaras was going on. This dynastic rivalry continued for nearly a quarter of a century until the Paramars were completely humiliated, and their territories were largely captured by Chaulukya Jayasimha (C. 1094-1143 A.D.) who even assumed the title of Avantinatha.
Page 48. As a consequence, the political situation in Western India was completely changed, and the place of importance held by the Paramaras now passed to the Chaulukyas.
His claim of success against the Paramaras :
At the same time the Chahamana records also claimed success over the Paramaras. The Prthvirajavijava states that Ajayaraja attacked and vanquished Sulhana, king of Malava.In the opinion of H.C. Ray, as there was no king named Sulhana in Malava during that period, he might be a general of one of the Paramara kings. This view seems to be based on the Bijolia inscription which mentions that Dandanayaka (Commander of the army) Sulhana was captured by Ajayaraja in battle. A stone inscription, found in the Adhai Dinka Jhonpra, Ajmer, states that Ajayaraja conquered the country upto Ujjain.
The simulatneous claim of success against Malava by both the Chaulukya and the Chahamana records is interesting. 

Page 49.From the activities of Ajayaraja against the Paramaras, it may appear that the Chahamanas had either been won over by the Chaulukyas, or had themselves joined the Chaulukyas in order to signalise their freedom from the Paramara overlordship. In any case, a Chahamana-Chaulukya alliance seems to have been formed against their common enemy, the Paramaras. This alliance proved highly successful.
Ajayaraja also achieved another military success. The Bijolia inscription mentions that he defeated and killed three other kings, named Chachiga, Sindhula and Yasoraja. But they cannot be properly identified.
His claim of victory against the Muslims : The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that Ajayaraja defeated the Garjana Matangas i.e. the Ghaznavite Muslims. This is quite evident as the Prthvirajavijaya equates Garjana with Ghazna and the commentator, Jonaraja, explains Matangas by the term Mlechchha  i.e., the Muslim invaders. It seems to be an incidental victory of Ajayaraja over the Muslims in the age-long Chahamana-Muslim conflict.

Page 50 His activities in peace : Ajayaraja not only won many successes in war, but also achieved laurels in the art of peace as well. He founded the famous city of Ajayameru, named after himself.This is, no doubt, the present town of Ajmer. He filled up his newly founded city with beautiful temples and palaces. It soon achieved such prosperity that the Prthvirajavijaya states that even ‘the city Rama conquered after crossing the sea (the Golden Lanka) and that founded by Krishna in the sea (Dwarka) are not fit to be handmaid’s of Ajmer.’The capital of the Sakambhari kingdom was subsequently transferred from Sambhar to Ajmer.
Another great achievement of Ajayaraja was that he was the first Chahamana king to issue coins in the kingdom. The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that the king filled the world with his rupakas composed of Durvarna (Silver). 
In fact, some silver coins have been discovered in those areas which formed the Chahamana dominions. They bear aneffigy of a seated goddess on the obverse, and the king’s name Sri Ajayadeva on the reverse. The Prthvirajavijaya further states that his queen Somalekha also used to coin fresh rupakas every day. 

Page 51. Indeed, some silver and copper coins bearing on the reverse the inscription Sri Somaladevi have been discovered.Scholars have correctly identified Sri Somaladevi with the queen of Ajayaraja. Her silver coins have on the obverse a degraded representation of a king’s head, while the copper coins bear the effigy of a horseman.
From the Dhod Stone inscription it appears that Ajayaraja’s silver coins were current in the Chahamana dominations even during the reign of his grandson Somesvara.
Thus Ajayaraja occupies a very important position in the Chahamana kingdom. He was powerful ruler, and opened the way for Chahamana overlordship by lunching an aggressive war against his neighbouring states. He founded the beautiful city of Ajmer, which subsequently became the new capital of the Chahamana kingdom. His introduction of a standard currency system marked an unprecedented prosperity in the kingdom due to the development of trade and commerce.

Page 52.He was a devout worshipper of Siva, but he had no religious orthodoxy. This is well attested by his favour towards the Vaishnava and the Jaina communities in the kingdom, as pointed out by D. Sharma.
ARNORAJA : Ajayaraja was succeeded by his son Arnoraja.The two Revasa stone inscriptions, dated in V.S. 1196 (=1139 A.D.) of his reign mention him as Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara-Sri Arnorajadeva. This, however, doesnot indicate that Arnoraja’s reign began in that year. As a matter of fact, there is indirect evidence to show that his reign did begin much earlier.
It has been mentioned before that his father Ajayaraja claimed to have captured the whole of Malava territory upto Ujjain. On the other hand, Chaulukya Jayasimha also claimed to have occupied the whole of Western Malava and driven away the Paramaras to find shelter in the valley of Kali Sindhu in the extreme north-eastern corner of the Vindhayas. In our opinion Ajayaraja’s success against the Paramaras as well as Jayasimha’s success agaist them should be regarded as one broad incident carried out simultaneously by these two monarchs. 

Page 53.They probably formed an alliance between them against their common enemy, Paramara Haravarman (C. 1104-1133 A.D.). As both Chahamana Ajayaraja and Chaulukya Jayasimha claimed success over Paramara Naravarman, it was obvious that their successes practically corresponded to the year 1133 A.D., when or shortly after, the Paramara ruler died. Again, Ajayarajas son and successor Arnoraja was also successful against Naravarman.Hence we may tentatively regard 1133 A.D. as the date of Ajayaraja’s death and the accession of Arnoraja to the throne.
So far as the end of Arnoraja’s reign is concerned, the only evidence may be ascertained from the Ajmer stone inscription of 1153 A.D. when Arnoraja’s son Vigraharaja IV was on the throne. However, it is not possible to ascertain how much earlier Vigraharaja secured it, because it was not a peaceful affair. But on an examination of the circumstantial evidences, as mentioned in the Prthvirajavijaya it would appear that this took place probably in1150 or 1151 A.D. 

Page 54.The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that Arnoraja’s reign met a violent and when he was murdered by his eldest son. But the parricide, it appears did not rule long,and was soon overthrown by his second brother Vigraharaja IV. All these incidents must have happened at least two or three years before Vigraharaja’s Ajmer stone inscription was issued in 1153 A.D.
We may, therefore, place Arnoraja’s reign in between (C.1133-1150-51 A.D.).
Of the principle events of Arnoraja’s reign, two deserve special mention. One of them was a struggle with the Chaulukyas of Gujarat, and the other was a clash with the Muslims.
Arnoraja and the Chaulukyas :
With the accession of Arnoraja to the Chahamana throne, the Chahamana-Chaulukya alliance formed during his father’s time, broke down. The probable cause seems to be Arnoraja’s apprehension of the growing power of Jayasimha. But he did not fare well against the Chaulukya ruler. This is indicated by both the Chaulukya and the Chahamana sources. The Chaulukya work, like the Dvyasrayamahakavya of Hemachandra mentions that Arnoraja had to accept the supremacy of Jayasimha. 

Page 55.This is confirmed by the Kirti Kaumudi of Somesvara which states that the Chahamana ruler out of fear bowed down his head to Jayasimha, who in turn gave his daughter in marriage to Arnoraja.The Prthvirajavijaya also mentions that Arnoraja had two queens, of whom one came from Gurjara. According to the commentator Jonaraja, the Gurjara ruler was Jayasimha and his daughter, who married Arnoraja, was named Kanchanadevi. The Sambhor stone inscription probably indicates the defeat of Arnoraja by Jayasimha, who even seems to have occupied Sambhor for some time, from where this inscription of him was issued.
It is thus clear that Chahamana Arnoraja had to acknowledge defeat at the hands of Chaulukya Jayasimha. The struggle probably ended in a peace settlement, and Jayasimha’s daughter was married to the Chahamana ruler.
The reasons which induced Jayasimha to form a matrimonial alliance with his vanquished enemy are unknown. It seems to be a very clever stroke of diplomacy on Jayasimha’s part to pacify his Chahamana neighbour, so that the life and death struggle against the Paramaras of Malava could be continued uninterruptedly. 

Page 56.The policy was highly successful, and for the time being, the Paramara kingdom was laid to the dust. In this struggle Jayasimha obviously got an active help from his son-in-law Arnoraja. While the Chaulukya sources claimed Jayasimha’s great success over Paramara Naravarman of Malava, the Bijolia inscription also mentions that Chahamana Arnoraja humiliated one Nirvana Narayana,i.e., Naravarman, for it was an epithet of the Paramara ruler.According to D. Sharma, the fragmentary Chahamana prasasti also claims success of Arnoraja over Naravarman
But this good Chahamana-Chaulukya relationship came to an end after the death of Jayasimha, and gave way to a bitter struggle when the next Chaulukya ruler Kumarapala ascended the throne in C. 1143 A.D.
There are conflicting accounts of the origin of the struggle between Arnoraja and Kumarapala. From Merutunga and Hemachandra  it appears that it was caused due to the sheer ambition of the Chahamana king, who finding a new ruler on the throne of Gujarat made an alliance with Bahada, the rival of Kumarapala for the throne, and suddenly invaded the Chaulukya kingdom. 

Page 57.But according to jayasimha Suri  the war was started due to the insult meted out by Arnoraja to his queen Devaladevi, who happened to be the sister of Kumarapala. To avenge this insult, the Chaulukya ruler marched with his army.
Jayasimha Suri’s account of the personal factor which led to the Chahamana-Chaulukya conflict seems unconvincing. According to the more reliable Jaina authorities, like Merutunga and Hemachandra, the cause of the conflict was political rather than personal. Moreover, from the Prthvirajavijaya, one of the most authentic sources of the Chahamaas of Sakambhari, it appears that Arnoraja had two queens one Kanchanadevi of Fujarata, the daughter of Jayasimha, and the other Sudhava of Marwar. As Arnoraja had no queen named Devaladevi, so Jayasimha Suri’s story of her insult by her husband which led to the war, cannot be accepted.
It seems that the real cause of the war was political. This is to be traced in the domestic trouble of the Chaulukya family after the death of Jayasimha.

Page 58.Jayasimha had no male issue to succeed him. In fact, the problem of succession had been under discussion while he was alive. Kumarapala was the strongest claimant on the throne, both because he belonged to the royal family and also as the nearest relation of the king. But Jayasimha was unwilling to accept him as his successor, because there were some question about the legitimacy of the branch to which Kumarapala belonged. Hence Jayasimha nominated Bahada, his adopted son, as his successor. This naturally offended Kumarapala, who, therefore, tried to assert his position. It appears that an inter-family dispute began. This embittered the last days of Jayasimha, who is said to have driven away Kumarapala into exile. Shortly, after Kumarapala returned from his exile, and Jayasimha suddenly died in C. 1143 A.D. Dr. H.C. Ray suspects some foul play about the sudden death of Jayasimha.
Thereafter, Kumarapala ascended the Chaulukya throne with the help of the powerful Jaina party in Gujarat and his brother-in-law Krishnadeva, who was the supreme commander of the state army. Naturally those who had supported Jayasimha fell into disfavour of the new king. This seems to have been the real cause of the struggle that ensued between Kumarapala and Arnoraja, for the latter had marrid Jayasimha’s daughter.

Page 59.But Kumarapala had to face a great difficulty due to the combination of his enemies against him. Bahada, the rival claimant for the Chaulukya throne, persuaded Arnoraja to help him, who readily agreed. Further, Arnoraja made a scheme with king Ballala of Western Malava to invade the Chaulukya kingdom.It was arranged that Arnoraja and Ballala would attack Kumarapala from the north and the east respectively, while an internal insurrection was to be raised in the Chaulukya kingdom simultaneously. For the time being the position of Kumarapala was really critical. But he was fortunate that the scheme of his enemies was not successful, and he was able to maintain his position. This was partly due to his ability as a soldier, and partly to the failure of his enemies who could not act in a concerted manner. Bahada was taken prisoner; Arnoraja was completely defeated; and all attempts for internal insurrection were frustrated. The Dvyasrayamahakavya of Hemachandra mentions that Arnoraja had to buy peace by marrying his daughter to Kumarapala.

Page 60.Inscriptional evidences also support the literary account of the defeat of Arnoraja at the hands of Kumarapala. The Kradu  and Bhatund inscriptions show that the Chahamana principality of Naddula was annexed within the kingdom of the Chaulukya monarch. Naddula formed the buffer state between the Chahamana and the Chaulukya kingdoms. According to H.C.Ray the Chaulukya possession of Naddula ‘must have been effected by successful war.’This view point seems to be confirmed by one of the Chitorgadh stone inscriptions of Kumarapala which clearly states that the Chahamana king was defeated and his kingdom was devastated by Kumarapala. H.C. Ray, however, doubts about the complete humiliation of Arnoraja, and holds the opinion that the Chahamana-Chaulukya conflict on the border of Naddula ‘raged for at least 8 years.It was probably brought to an end with a matrimonial alliance.
Arnoraja and the Muslims : The other important incident of the reign of Arnoraja was a clash with the Muslims. The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that once Arnoraja utterly defeated the Turushkas, and slaughtered them in large numbers when they had entered the Chahamana territory by crossing the desert. 

Page 61 He then purified the place by constructing a lake and filling it with the water of the river Chandra. H.C. Ray properly indentifies the river Chandra with the river Luni which ‘takes its rise in the Sambhar lake and flows by Pushkar.’The lake constructed by Arnoraja may be, therefore, indentified with the famous Anasagara lake near Ajmer named after him. The Turushkas thus appear to have reached as far as Ajmer. According to Ray these Turushkas were the troops of the Yaminis of Lahors, and they directed their attack against the temples of the sacred Pushkaratirtha.
Arnoraja’s other Military Achievements :
Arnoraja achieved success in other directions as well. On the basis of the fragmentary Chahamana prasasti of the Ajmer Museum, Dr. D. Sharma points out that Arnoraja made a successful invasion in the Haritanka country, and marched victoriously upto the Sindhu and the Sarasvati. Both the Palam Baoli and Delhi Museum  inscriptions mention that the Haritanaka or Hariyana country was ruled by the Tomara Rajputs with Dhillika or Delhi as its capital. 

Page 62 But Arnoraja did not achieve a decisive victory over the Tomaras, for the struggle continued during the reign of his son Vigraharaja IV when the Tomaras were finally beaten and their territory was annexed to the Chahamana dominion.
The Bijolia inscription mentions that Arnoraja also conquered the kingdom of Varana which was situated closely to the Haritanka country. Thus it seems that Arnoraja successfully carried his armies northwards through the teritories of Varana and Haritanaka upto the Sindhu and the Sarasvati in the Eastern Punjab. The Chahamanas now became so powerful as to make an attempt for establishing their overlordship in Northern India. The policy was vigorously persued during the reign of his son Vigraharaja IV.
JUGADEVA : The Prthvirajavijaya states that the eldest son of Arnoraja ‘rendered the same services to his father as Bhrgu’s son Parasurama had rendered to his mother.’ This clearly indicates that Arnoraja was killed by his eldest son. But unfortunately the Prthvirajavijaya does not mention the name of the parricide. 

Page 63 However, on the basis of the Prabandhakosa  the Hammira-mahakavya  and the Surjanacharita H.C.Ray considers that most probably his name was Jugadeva. It may be assumed, therefore, that Arnoraja’s eldest son, named Jugadeva, ascended the Chahamana throne by murdering his father. But he could not rule long, and was soon overthrown by his younger brother Vigraharaja.
VIGRAHARAJA IV :After deposing Jugadeva his younger brother Vigraharaja IV ascended the throne of Sakambhari. The earliest of his inscriptions dated in V.S. 1210 (= C. 1153 A.D.)[35] has been discoverd in a mosque at Ajmer, known as the Adhaidinka-Jhonpra.  The last three inscriptions of his reign are found from the Siwalik Pillar of Asoka, now in Delhi, and they were issued in V.S. 1220 (= C. 1164 A.D.).[36] His known dates, therefore, vary from V.S. 1210 to V.S. 1220 (=C. 1153-1164 A.D.). It is very likely that he did not occupy the throne much earlier than 1153, and reign much beyond 1164. Though his reign was not a long one, yet it marks an important stage in the progress of Chahamana power.

Page 64.Vigraharaja IV and the Chaulukyas : In the south-west of Sakambhari lay the Chaulukya kingdom of Gujarat, then ruled by Kumerapala (C. 1143-1173) A.D. He was not at a good relation with the Chahamanas. Vigraharaja’s father Aroraja, having suffered defeats at the hands of Kumarapala, had to purchase peace by marrying his daughter to the Chaulukya king. With the accession of Vigraharaja to the Chahamana throne, the old dynastic struggle again flared up. This was probably due to the ambition of the new Chahamana king and his desire for avenging the defeat and humiliation of his father.
But the course of this Chahamana-Chaulukya struggle is not easy to follow. The contemporary sources of this period seem to put forward different and contradictory claims. Thus the third Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription of Vigraharaja IV claims to have conqured and exacted tributes from all the territories lying between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas. On the other hand, the Chaulukya chronicles like the Kumarapala-Charita of Jayasimha Suri and the Kumarapala-prabandha of Jinamandan, put forward the claims that Chaulukya Kumarapala conquered all the lands ‘upto the Ganges on the east, Vindhyas on the south, Sindh on the west, and upto the Turuska (land)on the north.

Page 65 In view of such contradictory claims, the fortune of the Chahama-Chaulukya struggle may be studied only by gathering the chages effected in the position of the border lands of the two kingdoms.
Chahamana settlements had been established at Nadol, Jalor and Pali at the borders of the Chaulukya kingdom. But from the Chaulukya sources it appears that these places were included into the domains of Kumarapala. The Kumarapala-charita of Jayasimha Suri mentions that Javalipura (modern Jalor) first submitted to Kumarapala when he started for his digvijaya (world-conquest). The Kradu (V.S. 1209 = C. 1153 A.D.) and the Ratanpur (undated), inscriptions, in the opinion of Dr. H.C. Ray, clearly indicate that Nadol was controlled by the Chaulukya ruler. The Bhatund inscription of V.S. 1210 (= C.1254 A.D.) mentions that Kumarapala appointed Vaijaka as the Dandanayaka (governor) of the Nadol area.On the basis of the Kumarapala-Prabandha. A.K. Majumdar suggests the conquest of Pali by Kumarapala.His Pali inscription of V.S. 1209 (= C. 1153 A.D) also confirms this view point.Thus the Chahamana frontier principalities of Jalor, Nadol and Pali, were all occupied by the Chaulukya king.

Page 66.On the other hand, there is the epigraphic evidence to show that Chahamana Vigraharaja IV also obtained a briliant success over these frontier lands. The Bijolia inscription of V.S. 1226 (=C. 1170 A.D.) States that Vigraharaja “due to resentment made Javalipura (Jalor) a city of flames, Pallika (Pali) an insignificant village and Naddula (Nadol) like a bed of reeds.”
Thus the Chahamana-Chaulukya struggle affected seriously those principalities which were situated at the borders of the two kingdoms. These often changed hands. It appears that by defeating Chahamana Arnoraja, the Chaulukya monarch had included those frontier lands into his kingdom. The Chalukya epigraphic evidence indicates that in A.D. 1153. 1156 and 1159. Nadol and the neighbouring areas were in Kumarapala’s hands. On the other hand, the Bijolia inscription of V.S. 1226 (= C. 1170 A.D.), issued during the reign of Chahamana Somesvara states that Vigraharaja reduced Nadol and Pali, and burnt the town of Jalor. 

Page 67.Vigraharaja himself claims in the third Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription of V.S. 1220 (= C. 1164 A.D.) his sovereign authority in Northern India. It appears, therefore, that the Chahamana sovereign recovered the above places in between 1160 and 1164. But as Vigraharaja met with an early death and his successors were involved in inter-family disputes, so Kumarapala was able to retrieve his position, as indicated in the Jalor, and the Nadlai  inscriptions, dated respectively in V.S. 1221 (=C. 1164 A.D.) and V.S. 1228 (= C. 1171 A.D.).
According to H.R.Ray the Chahamana ruler preferred the northern region as the field of his expansion, because he found a formidable rival” like Kumarapala on the southern border of his kingdom.This view point of Ray requires a critical examination. Kumarapala was undoubtedly a very powerful ruler, but at the same time it appears that he was circumscribed by Chahamana Vigraharaja. This is clear from the Bijolia inscription which states that Vigraharaja defeated and killed on Sajjana.From the Chitorgadh stone inscription it appears that this Sajjan most probably was the Chaulukya governor of Chitor. 

Page 68 If this view is accepted, then by defeating and killing his governor, Vigraharaja certainly humiliated Kumarapala. Further, Vigraharaja challenged the authority of the Chaulukya monarch when he captured his frontier principalities. These were recovered by Kumarapala only when the Chahamana ruler was dead. Vigraharaja also seems to have conquered a substantial portion of Mewar in the southern region. This is evident from the fact that henceforth Chahamana inscriptions were issued from such distant places as Jahazpur, Bijolia and mandalgarh in Mewar. Thus it is significant to note tha Vigraharaja’s southern campaign was not without success inspite of the presence of his powerful rival Kumarapala.
Vigraharaja IV and the Tomaras :
The Bijolia inscription credits Vigraharaja IV with the conquest of Dhillika (Delhi) and Asika (Hansi). The Chahamanas probably captured these two places from the hands of the Tomaras, who were recognised as “one of the 36 celebrated Rajput tribes.”The conquest is confirmed by two later inscriptions found during the Muslim rule in India, viz. the Palam Baoli inscription of V.S. 1337 (=1280 A.D.) and the Delhi Museum inscription V.S. 1384 (C= 1328 A.D.).

Page 69.According to H.C.Ray the Tomaras probably settled themselves in Delhi and its neighbourhood about the 9th century A.D.During the reign of Bhoja (C. 836-882 A.D.) and Mahendrapala (C. 893-907 A.D.) they came under the sovereign authority of the Pratiharas. When the Pratihara power began to decline in the beginning of the 10th century, the Tomaras established themselves round Delhi by securing their independence. But soon they found very strong neighbours in the Chahamanas of Sakambhari. Consequently there ensued a struggle between these two dynasties which continued for more than 250 years. It was started during the riegn of Chahamana-Chandanaraja (C. 900-910 A.D.) and finally ended in the capture of Delhi and Hansi by Vigraharaja IV shortly before 1164 A.D. The Tomara principality passed out of history.
Vigraharaja IV and the Muslims :
The conquest of Delhi and Hansi made VigraharajaIV master of the strategic land lying between the Sutlej and the Yamuna. This made him the neighbour of the Ghaznavite Muslims of the Punjab, which led to the inevitable struggle between the Chahamanas and the Muslims. 

Page 70 His clash with the Muslims seems to have been first mentioned in the Lalita-Vigraharaja,a drama composed by his court-poet, Mahakavi Somadeva. According to this drama Vigraharaja got the news from his spy that the Hammira had advanced with a large army as far as Vavvera and sent a messenger to the Chahamana king for asking his surrender. Vigraharaja consulted with his maternal uncle Simhabala and his chief minister Sridhara, asto what should be done. The cautious minister advised the king to avoid any battle with the powerful enemy. But the Chahamana king preferred a battle rather than any disgraceful negotiation. he was fully supported by Simhabala, his maternal uncle. While all these discussions were going on, the Hammira’s messenger arrived in the Chahamana court. he was struck with wonder at the power and splendour of the Chahamana king, and probably retired without performing the task, entrusted to him.
Unfortunately the drama ends here. it is, therefore, difficult to conjecture what happened next. Prof. Kielhorn assumes that on this present occasion, Vigraharaja and the Hammira , did not fight.
Page 71. But it seems otherwise, as the Hammira retired without demanding any formal Chahamana surrender. Most probably there took place a clash in which the Hammira could not fare well. This may be corroborated by the later incidents. The Hammira’s failure must have encouraged Vigraharaja to adopt a Vigorous offensive policy against the Muslims. In his third Delhi Siwalik Pillar inscription of V.S. 1220 (= C. 1164 A.D.), he claims to have repeatedly exterminated the Mlechchhas, i.e., the Muslims, and made Aryavarta once more the abode of the Aryans.According to H.C. Ray the success of Vigraharaja was largely due to the declining power of the Ghaznavites of the Punjab during the weak rule of Khasru Shah Muizzud-Daulah (A.D. 1152-1160) and Khasrau Malik Taj-ud-Daulah (A.D. 1160-1186).
A Short Estimate of Vigraharaja IV :
Vigraharaja IV holds a unique position in Chahamana history. His reign was short, but eventful. By his great generalship he spread his authority far and wide. Chaulukya Kumarapala had to abandon his frontier principalities, and was not successful to recover them till the death of the Chahamana ruler, The Guhilas of Mewar acknowledged Chahamana supremacy. 

Page 72.The Tomaras were annihilated, and Delhi and Hansi were captured from them. The Muslims suffered repeated reverses. The third Delhi Siwalik Pillar-inscription credits the Chahamana ruler with the conquest of the whole region from the Himalayas to the Vindhyas. Although this credit may appear exaggerated, yet we shall not be far wrong to assume that his reign positively inaugurated the era of Chahamana imperialism.
Vigraharaja IV also revived the tradition of such illustrious Paramara rulers, as Munja and Bhoja, in war and peace. Along with the expansion of power, he went ahead with a steady development of peaceful arts as well. He himself was a poet of repute, and highly patronised art and culture for which he was known as Kavibandhava.[64] He also took a keen interest in building beautiful and imposing works. Indeed, by his military skill and patronage of learning, the Chahamana monarch represented a real type of the successful medieval Rajput king.
In short, Vigraharaja IV may be regarded as the greatest of the Chahamana rulers in the Kingdom of Sakambhari.

Page 73.APARAGANGEYA :
Dynastic Struggle and the reign of Prthviraja II :
The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that Vigraharaja IV was succeeded by his son Aparagangeya.He had possiblya variant  of his name like Amaragangeya or Amargangu, as found in other works.He had a very short reign and possibly died unmarried.
After him Prthvibhata or Prthviraja II, theson of parricide Jugadeva, came to the Chahamana throne. This dynastic change may be well illustrated from the following geneological table
Queen Sudhava     =       Arnoraja      =              Queen Kanchanadevi   
                                  ( C. 1135-1150 A.D.) 
 Jugadev                      Vigraharaja IV                 Somesvara=Karpuradevi  
                                  ( C. 1153-1164 A.D. )      ( C. 1170-1177 A.D. ) 
 Prthviraja II                Aparagangeya                  Prthviraja III         Hariraja
( C.1167-1170 A.D. )    ( No Inscription )              ( C. 1177-1192 A.D. )

Page 74.It appears that this dynastic change did not happen in a peaceful way. This is corroborated by prthviraja II’s Dhod stone inscription of V.S. 1325 (C. 1169 A.D.), which mentions that he secured a victory over the ruler of Sakambhari by the strength of his arms.
Probably there began a struggle for the throne between The two princes of the ruling family, Aparagangeya and Prthviraja II. This ultimately led to the removal of the former and the installation of the latter to the Chahamana throne. Prthviraja II thus appears to have been able to recover the kingdom of his father Jugadeva, who had lost it to Vigraharaja IV, father of Aparagangaya. In this succession struggle Aparagangeya probably lost his life as well, for nothing further was heard of him.
PRTHVIRAJA II : As many as four inscriptions of Prthviraja II have been discovered, one at Hansi in the Punjab, and the three others at the Mewar region in Rajasthan – two at Menal  and one at Dhod. The first one is dated in V.S. 1224 (C. 1167 A.D.) and the last one in V.S. 1225 (C. 1170 A.D.). He had, therefore, a very short reign but it was important on account of the gradual development of the Chahamana-Muslim conflict.

Page 75.After ascending the throne, he turned his attention against the Muslims of the Punjab. The Hansi stone inscription mentions that the king’smaternal uncle kilhana was placed in charge of the strategic fort of Asika in order to watch over the activities of the Hammira  who had become the cause of anxiety to the world." D.R. Bhandarkar identifies Asika with Hansi.
The activities of the Hammira’s probably indicate that the Muslims, i.e. the Ghaznavites of the Punjab, were trying to penetrate into interior India. Though they had been successfully checked by Vigraharaja IV, yet during the time of Prthviraja II they became the cause of anxiety to the Chahamana kingdom. It seems that when Vigraharaja IV died and the ruling family was involved in a succession struggle, the Muslim found an opportunity to intensity their activities. But Prthviraja II equally rose to the occasion, and took immediate steps to meet the situation. He appointed an efficient governor, named Kilhana, to the strategic fort of Asika or Hansi to check the Muslim aggression. 

Page 76.The fort of Asi or Asika was the gateway to India. As colonel Tod observes, “Asigarh or Asidurg is celebrated as the scene of contest between the Hindus and early Muhammedans. It was by this route that most of Shahabuddin’s attempts were made to wrest the throne of Hindu from Prthviraja and, often did the warriors of the mountains of Kabul find their graves before Asi.........the route was by Pacapattan...........on the Sutlaj, to Bhatner and Fatchabad to Asi and Delhi.”
Colonel Tod appears to have confused Prthviraja II of the Hansi stone inscription of V.S.1224 (=C.1168 A.D.) with the famous Chahamana ruler Prthviraja III (C. 117-1192 A.D.), who was defeated Shiabuddin Muhammad Ghuri at the second battle of Tarain in 1192 A.D. Muhammad Ghuri established his power in the Punjab by overthrowing the last Yamini prince Khusrau Malik Taj-ud-Daulah (1160-1186), and from that base he attempted to penetrate further into India at the cost of the Chahamanas. But Prthviraja II’s inscriptions clearly show that he died much earlier (C. 1170 A.D.) before Muhammad Ghuri’s conquest of the Punjab. Further the Bijolia inscription which was the earliest inscription of Somesvara, who succeeded Prthviraja II, was issued towards the end of V.S. 1226 (=1170 A.D.).

Page 77.It is thus clear that Colonel Tod’s “Prthviraja”, who possessed the strategic fort of Asior Hansi, was none but Prthviraja II of the Hansi inscription. His observation, however, clearly implies the strategic position of the fort of Hansi. 
In the Chahamana-Muslim conflict Kilhana proved a successful officer. The Hansi stone inscription mentions that he not only checked the Muslim aggressions, but also captured Panchapura from them.Both H.C.Ray and D.R. Bhandarkar identify Panchapura with Panhapattana on the Sutlej river. This is in agreement with Tod’s assumptionalso. According to Ray if the identification is correct them Prthviraja II achieved some success against the Yamini Prince Khusrau MalikTaj-ud-Daulah (1160-1186), who was a mild and pleasure-seeking ruler. Kilhana thus justified the confidence reposed on him.
Another incident during the reign of Prthviraja II is mentioned by the Bijolia inscription. It states that the Chahamana monarch defeated a king named Vastupala, and took away his beautiful elephant, called Mansidhi. But king Vastupala cannot be properly identified.

Page 78 Both Prthviraja II and his queen Suhavadevi were devout workshippers of Lord Siva. The Dhod stone inscription mentions that the Chahamana king took the title of Paramabhattaraka Paramesvara, and during his reign the temple of Nitya Pramoditadeva was built by his feudatory Adhiraja Kumarapla.According to the Bijolia inscription the Chahamana king used to perform his religious duties by granting gold and villages to the Brahamanas.The Menal stone inscription states that Maharajni Suhavadevi made an annual grant of 20 drammas to the Siva-temple at Menal, bearing the name of the god as Suhavesvara. Though Prthviraja II was a devout Saiva Hindu, yet he was not orthodox in his religious outlook. This is well illustrated by his tolerant attitude to the Jainas. The Bijolia inscription states that he granted the village Morajhari to the Jaina temple of Parasvanatha.
SOMESVARA : HIS ACTIVITIES IN GUJARAT :
According to the Prthvirajavijaya since the death of Arnoraja, his youngest son Somesvara was living in Gujarat enjoying the patronage of Chaulukya Jayasimha.

Page,79. The last years of Arnoraja’s reign were marked withconspiracies and political intrigues which resulted in the murder of the Chahamana king by his eldest son Jugadeva, a civil war in the royal family, and the final occupation of the throne by Arnoraja’s second son Vigraharaja IV. It was very likely that Chaulukya Jayasimha became anxious to save the life of his grands on Somesvara (who was the son of his daughter Kanchanadevi) from the disorderly state of affairs in Sakambhari. Hence soon after the murder of his son-in-law Arnoraja, the Chaulukya monarch took away Somesvara to his own kingdom in Gujarat. The next Chaulukya king Kumarapala continued to favour and bring up the Chahamana prince in such a manner that his name Kumarapala, i.e., ‘protector of Kumara’, really became significant.
While living in Gujarat, Somesvara participated in the Chaulukya campaign against Konaha. In the Prthvirajavijaya he is said to have cut off with his own hands the head of the king of that country. Merutunga, the chronicler of Gujarat, gives his name as Mallikarjuna, but attributes all the credit of defeating and killing him to the Chaulukya general Ambada.

Page 80.On the other hand, Hemachandra, the contemporary Jaina scholar, states that some Chaulukya soldiers killed the ruler of Konkana. In other words, he did not give the credit to Ambada. On account of such conflicting claims, it appears very difficult to say who actually achieved that distinction. A greater reliability may, however, be placed upon the statement of the Prthvirajavijaya. Whose authenticity is generally accepted on the ground that the information supplied by other Chahamana sources (including their inscriptions) more or less agrees with that found in the Prthvirajavijaya. However, all these conflicting claims may be reconciled by assuming that Somesvara along with the Chaulukya soldiers defeated and killed the ruler of Konkana, and Ambada was the commander of the Chaulukya army in the whole compain.
The Prthvirajavijaya states that Somesvara while living in Gujarat, married the daughter of one Achalaraja, the ruler of Tripuri. Achalaraja seems to be a Kalachuri prince, not properly identified.Jonaraja, the commentator, mentions the name of his daugher as Karpuradevi.
By Karpuradevi, Somesvara had two sons, names Prthviraja and Hariraja. Bothe of these princes were born in Gujarat when Chahamana Vigraharaja IV was rulling in Sakambhari. he became very much pleased with the birth of his nephews, and died in peace.

Page 81.After the death of Vigraharaja IV, the Sakambhari kingdom age in fell into disorder. His son and successor Aparagangeya was involved in a succession struggle which led to his defeat and death, and Prthviraja II, the nephew of Vigraharaja IV, succeeded to the Chahamana throne in C. 1167 A.D.
Somesvara brought from Gujarat to Sakambhari :It appears that Somesvara had practically lost touch with Sakambhari when Prthviraja II occupied the Chahamana throne. However, Prthviraja II did not reign long. He died in C. 1170 A.D., and probably left no issue to succeed him. The ministers of the Sakambhari kingdom, therefore, brought back Somesvara from Gujarat, and placed him on the throne.
As many as five inscriptions of his reign have been discovered, one at Bijolia two at Dhod, one at Revasa, and one at Anvalda.The earliest is dated in V.S. 1226 and the latest in V.S. 1234, corresponding roughly to 1170-1177 A.D. His reign was, therefore, not a long one, and he certainly died before 1178 A.D. when we find his son prthviraja III ruling at Sakambhari.

Page 82.It seems that Somesvara came to the throne at a fairly advanced age by spending most of his time in the court of Gujarat.
Along with these inscriptions, Somesvara had also some coins of ‘the Bull and Horseman type.’ The obverse bears the figure of a horseman with the legend ‘Sri Somesvaradeva’ and the reverse has the figue of humped bull and the legend Asavari Sri Sama (ntadeva).
During the reign of Somesvara the Chahamana territory seems to have been extended in the Mewar region in the south, where most of his inscriptions have been discovered. The Bijolia inscription states that he took the title of Pratapa-Lankesvara, which means that he was as powerful as Ravana, the Lord of Lanka.
Somesvara efficiently carried on the administration by establishing peace and order in the kingdom. He was always anxious to get the help of his ministers in his administration. The sanskrit work, the Viruddhavidhi-Vidhvamsa mentions two important ministers during his reign. 

Page 83.They were Skanda and his son Sodha. They were the Nagara Brahamanas of Anandanagara. According to N.C. Ray the place Anandanagara was moder Vadnagara in Northern Gujarat. Most probably Skanda came to Sakambhari from Gujarat when Somesvara ascended the Chahamana throne in order to assist him in administration. He was vastly learned scholar, as well as an efficient general. He was placed in charge of the very important post of Sandhi-Vigrahika (ministry of peace and war). After him this post was given to his worthy son Sodha. Kadambavasa seems to be another minister of Somesvara. He became the Chief Minister during the regency of Karpuradevi when Prthviraja III succeeded his father Somesvara as a minor son.
Deterioration of his relation withthe Chaulukyas :The Prthviraja-Raso states that Somesvara was killed in a battle by Chaulukya Bhimadeva II (C. 1178-1241 A.D) This seems to be a more fiction, as Chahamana spigraphic evidence clearly points out that Somesvara had died before 1178 A.D. when Bhimadeva II ascended the Chaulukya throne of Gujarat.

Page 84.But from the Chaulukya records it appears that during the reign of Kumarapala’s successor Ajayapala, there took place a conflict between the Chaulukyas and the Chahamanas in which the latter were defeated and had to acknowledge Chaulukya supremacy. Thus according to the ‘Sukrta-Samkirtana’the king of Sapadalaksa sent a silver pavilion to Chaulukya Ajayapala as a feudatory gift.’ This is corroborated by the Kadi inscription (V.S. 1263) of Bhimadeva II which mentions that Ajayapala exacted tribute from the ruler of Sapadalaksa. According to H.C.Ray this ruler of Sapadalaksa was none but Chahamana Somesvara.We should, therefore, try to find out the reasons which led to the breakup of the good relation that existed between the Chaulukyas and the Chahamana since the days of Kumarapala and Somesvara.
Chaulukya Kumarapala died in C. 1173 A.D. He had no son, and therefore, the problem of succession became acute. The Kumarapalaprabandha states that Kumarapala had desired that his daughter’s son, Pratapamalla, should succeed him. But before he could make any arrangement, Ajayapala, the son of Kumarapala’s brother Mahipala, seized the Chaulukya throne of Gujarat by putting and end of Kumarapala’s life by poison.

Page 85.It seems that Ajayapala’s usurpation of the Chaulukya throne by a heinous means led to his conflict with Chahamana Somesvara. There were reasons for Somesvara to remain grateful to Kumarapala who had brought him up in Gujarat and probably helped him in recovering his paternal throns. So when Ajayapala murdered Kumarapala and usurped the Chaulukya throne, Somesvara was naturally perturbed. It seems that the Chahamana king probably invaded the Chaulukya kingdom in order to punish Ajayapala. But the Chaulukya monarch proved to be too powerful for the Chahamana king who had to acknowledge the Chaulukya supremacy by paying tribute.


Chapter 4.
SECRETARIAT AND THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS

Page 86.We shall survey in this chapter the organisation of what in modern terminology might be conveniently called the Central Secretariat and its various departments. Here also it may be noted that the records of our period supply us no direct and detailed information about the machinery of the central government; and hence it is difficult to say, how the secretariat and its various departments were organised and how they used to function. The records of our period merely give us a long list of officers, but they do not throw much light upon their powers and functions. We can, however, form a general idea of the secretariat and its different branches on the basis of the list of officers, supplied by the records of the different dynasties of our period. The contemporary Niti writers also help us a good deal in this respect.
The success of administration depends largely upon the efficiency and ability of the secretariat officer sand the accuracy with which they draft the orders of the central government. Ancient Indian political writers have therefore advised the king to take great care in the selection of the Secretariat officers. Sukra states that the king should appoint officers in the secretariat only after examining their fitness for the work.

Page 87.The Secretariat officers were also expected to be well trained and were required to possess almost as high qualifications as ministers, as far as ability and reliability were concerned. We have already seen in the last chapter, how our Niti writers have attached great importance to the business of the government being conducted in writing; the officers in the secretariat were therefore expected to be expert in drafting.
Working of the Secretariat :
The Secretariat was known as Srikarana under the Chahamanas and Chaulukyas.Its head was usually a Mahamatya. It had a big record office, where official documents were carefully kept. The account of Abdur Razak shows that the Diwankhana of the Vijayanagar ministry was a big hall of 40 pillars with a gallery of 90’ x 18’ for accommodating the secretariat.We may presume that similar arrangements existed in our period. In its normal work the secretariat had to deal with a considerable amount of correspondence. It received the reports from the districts and replied to them. Sukra lays down that daily monthly or periodical reports were to be submitted.

Page 88. The secretariat had also its inspecting staff to control provincial and district officers and find out whether its orders were being properly carried out or not by the subordinates. The inspection machinary of the central government is but rarely referred to in the records of our period; so far we have come across only one such instance in Northern India during our period. The Partapgarh inscription ofMahendrapala refers to a touring officer called Madhava designated as Tantrapala.He is stated to have made a tour to Ujjayini to investigate certain matters as desired by the king. It may be, however, added that the inspecting officers are referred to in the Vakataka, Gupta and Chola records, Sukra also, while recommending tours of inspection, observes that the king or the higher officers should inspact the villages and towns in order to have a first hand information about the real condition and feelings of their residents. The solitary reference to the inspection agency in our epigraphs may be accidental. Administration is hardly possible without an efficient inspecting machinary.

Page 89.Our records are usually land transfer documents, and they frequently refer to the work of the secretariat in connection with land-grants. That some secretariate used to keep duplicate copies of at least some land grants is suggested by the epigraphical evidence. One Palimpsest plate, containing and original inscription of the Rashtrakutas and a latter one of  the Paramaras, has been found. It is plausible to suggest that the plate was obtained by the Paramaras, when they looted the Rashtrakuta treasury at Malkhed. If such was the case, then it may be permissible to conclude that office copies of some charters were kept in some secretariats. The evidence however is very insufficient to arrive at a definite conclusion.
Sometimes the donees wanted to exchange the village granted to them earlier. Thus the Nagpur Prasasti of the Paramara king Naravarman informs us that the king donated three new villages in lieu of the two assigned earlier by his predecessor.This must have been done after consulting the original charter.
Sometimes when the letters of the grant used to became blurred due to lapse of time, steps were taken to replace the charter by a new one. This was done by the Chahamana king Ratnapala, when he renewed the grant of the village in the Saptasata Vishaya, originally made by Maharaja Jindaraja to the Brahmana residents in that village, as its letters became blurred due to lapse of time.

Page 90.The central government used to take proper and immediate steps to annul fraudulent grants. Sometimes government officers themselves went astray, took bribes and issued false copper plates. When such things occurred, the central government used to punish such officers. Thus in the Tarachandi inscription we find that when an officer of the Gahadavala king Vijayachandra made a certain unauthorised land grant to some Brahmanas after receiving from them some bribe, the local ruler of Japila at once declared it to be fraudulent.
Sometimes owing to anarchy also the donees could not enjoy their full rights given to them under the land grants; when however order was re-established, the land grants were re-examined and renewed. The Barah Copper plate of the Pratihara king Bhoja informs us that the possession of the village Valkagrahara, lying in the Udumbara Vishaya of the Kalanjara Mandala, which had been originally granted by Nagabhatta, was disturbed by the prevailing anarchy in the reign of Ramabhadra. 

Page 91.When sufficient evidence was adduced, the grant was renewed.From aother inscription of the same king we learn that the king Bhoja revived a grant in the year 893 A.D. in Gurjaratra-bhumi, originally made by Vatsaraja and later confirmed by Nagabhatta, but subsequently fallen into desuetude during the time of Ramabhadra owing to anarchy.All these records clearly show how the central secretariat was very careful in revenue transactions.
In modern administration, the minister is an official different from the head of his department; in ancient times; the two posts were ofte held by the same individual. We often find an officer rising to the position of a minister. The cases of Pratihara Gadadhara and Ananta rising to the ministerial position have been already referred to. This procedure is in accordance with the practice recommended by Sukra, according to whom the king should promote an officer successively to higher positions leading ultimately to the post of a minister, when he proves himself fully qualified and competent.

Page 92.Number of Departments : As regards the number of the departments of the secretariat, there is no unanimity among the writers on polity. The epics and the Arthasastra usually refer to eighteen departments; the latter however, shows their number was often increased by five or six if necessary. According to Sukra, there should be twenty departments in the secretariat;supervised by the superintendents of elephants, horses, chariots, infantry, cattle, camels, deer, birds, gold, jewels, silver, clothes, parks, buildings, palaces, religion and charity. The records of our period, however, disclose some further departments, which are referred to by neither the Smriti nor the Niti writers. As it is difficult to enumerate them separately, we shall for the sake of convenience group them under the different heads of administration.
Royal Household Department :
Monarchy being the normal form of government, we shall at the outset discuss the royal household department. The royal palaces ad buildings were in charge of an officer called Saudhagehadhipa by Sukra and Avasathika by Pala inscriptions.

Page 93. Probably he might have had an assistant to issue permits to the intending visitors. Under him worked Dvarapala, who used to check visitors’ entry into and exist from the palace premises. The officer, who used to take the visitors to the royal presence,was know as Maha-Pratihar. His assistants were known as Pratiharas. The position of Mahapratihara was similar to that of the modern aid-de-camp. Besides having a fine personality, he was expected to possess tact, charmad suavity.Mahapratiharas were assisted by Vetradharas, who used to instruct the visitors in the formality of the proper department. The king was always guarded by his body-guards designated as Angarakshkas by Pala inscriptions and Anganiguhakas by Chaulukya records.
Maharajaguru or the royal preceptor is the next officer that we have to consider. He figures frequently in our records. In the Khajuraho inscription, Vasavachandra appears as Maharajaguru of the Chandella king Dhanga.

Page 94.Being a very learned man, he was sometimes asked to compose the copper plate grants; probably it was thought that he would compose the melegantly. Thus under the Paramaras, the Bhopal plates of 1214 and 1215 A.D. were both composed by Rajaguru Madana with the consent of Mahasandhi—vigrahikas Rajasalana and Bilhana.Sometimes he used to act as a witness, when the king made a land grant. For instance, when the Paramara king Devaraja made a grant in V.S. 1059, the witness was his Guru Matvaka.Sometime the duties of the royal priest and preceptor were combined in the same person. In the Kamauli grant king Jayachandra is stated to have granted the village of Osia to his Mahapurohita, who was also his royal preceptor.
Besides the royal preceptor there was also a royal physician in the king’s court. He has been called Bhishak in the Gahadavala records and Antaranga in the Sena ones. Lakshmidhara describes him as Vaidya. He was expected to be well grounded in the eight branches of the medical science.
The ‘science’ of astrology had become well-established during our period and we find the king’s court usually having a court astrologer. 

Page 95.He was called Naimittika under the Gahadavalas, and Jyotshi under the Chahamanas and Mahamauhurtika under the Chaulukyas. Lakshmidhara calls him Rigu, a word whose derivation is difficult to make out. He was not only expected to be a master of omens but also of medicine. It may be noted that even in modern times Ayurvedic physicians often start their treatment after satisfying themselves that the day is auspicious. Justas we now sometimes have physicians – cum—astrologers, in the past, there were probablyastrologers-cum-physicians, Being a learned man, he was sometimes entrusted with the drafting of the land grants. The Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription of the Chahamana king Visaladeva was written by the astrologer according to the orders of the king.
Since very early times, the royal courts used to have their own poet laureates. The practice was continued during our period also. Under the Chandellas, they were often given the title Kavichakravarti. The Khajuraho inscription of the Chandella king Dhanga refers to Kavichakravarti Nandana.

Page 96.The internal management of the royal palace was looked after by several officers. Sambharapa was one of them; his duty was to keep a proper stock of the things necessary for the maintenance of the royal household. Under him worked the superintendent of kitchen, who had to take particular precaution to see that no attempt was made to poison the king.
The royal harem was put in charge of an officer designated by Sukra as Antahapurayogyapurusha. Lakshmidhara calls him Antahpuradhyaksha. He was to be sexless, truthful and sweet-tongued. The officer called Sayyapala,mentioned only in the Chaulukya records, was probably in charge of the king’s bed; he must have worked under the Antahapuradhipa. Besides him there were also maid-servants or Paricharikas, working in the inner apartments. They were expected to be skilful in serving and to take part in the diverse work of the royal harem allotted to them.

Page .97.MILITARY DEPARTMENT : We shall now consider the different departments of the state administration. Among these the military department was the most important one. The commander-in-chief, who was in charge of this department, was known by different designations under different dynasties. The Gahadavala and the Paramara records call him by the simple name Senapati, while those of the Palas and Senas give him the more high sounding title of Mahasenapati. The title Kampanadhipati was in use in Kashmir. The commander-in-chief was usually a member of the ministry also, as shown in the last chapter. His duty was to organise the fighting forces and to maintain them at maximum efficiency.
The Senapati was assisted in his work by a number of subordinate military officers. The fighting force during our period had three main arms; infantry, cavalry, and elephant corps – each being in charge of one separate commander. The Pala kingdom, which had the sea coast, had a naval arm as well We do not know whether the Chaulukyas maintained a navy to protect their coast.

Page 98.The superintendent of infanty was probably called Baladhipa under the Chahamanas and Baladhyaksha under the Palas.He had under him a number of officers of lower rank, who are referred to by Sukra. The Pattipala was the lowest among them; he was in charge of five or six foot soldiers and corresponded to a modern lance Naik. The next officer, called Gaulmika was in charge of thirty foot soldiers according to Sukra; he corresponded to the modern Jamadar. he appears in the Pala and Sena records also, but unfortunately they do not throw any light upon his functions. R.C. Majumdar suggests that Gaulmika was an officer in charge of a military squadron called Gulma consisting of nine elephants, nine chariots, twenty-seven horses and forty-five foot soldiers.U.N. Ghoshal takes him to be a collector of customs duties and refers to the term Gulmadeya used in the Arthasastra  in the sense of dues paid at the military or the police stations. While justifying his interpretation, he points out that in the Pala records, Saulkika is immediately followed by Gaulmika and hence he must be an officer connected with the revenue department.

Page 99.R.C.Majumdar, however, does not agree with U.N.Ghoshal and he, while criticising the latter’s view, argues that in the Sena records, Gaulmika immediately follows the military officers and hence he mustbe a member of that category. It is difficult to say which of the above views is correct, for neither in the Pala records nor in the Sena’s spigraphs are the functions of Gaulmika referred to any-where. It would appear that the functions of the Gaulmika may have differed in different administrations. However, it may be pointed out that R.C. Majumdar’s view is supported by Sukra, who definitely states that he was a military officer.
The next higher officer mentioned by Sukra is Satanika. He was the head of one hundred foot-soldiers. He was expected to be well-grounded in the art of warfare and its different tactics. His duty was to train the soldiers both in the morning and evening and supervise military parades. he was assisted in his work by an officer called Anusatika, who was also of the same rank as that of Satanika.
The next higher officers referred to by Sukra were Sahasrika and Ayutika in charge of a thousand and ten thousand foot soldiers respectively.

Page 100.The bow, the spear and the sword were the main weapons of the age and soldiers used to fight generally with them. Lakshmidhara, while describing the army, refers to Dhanurdharis and Khadgadharis.The swordsman and the bowman had to fight sometimes on foot and sometimes from the back of the horse or the elephant. Lakshmidhara therefore insists that swordsmen and bow-men should be able to manage the horse as well as the elephant. Probably the same was expected of the spearmen, though they are not referred to in this connection in the Rajadharma Kanda of Krityakalpataru.
Among the minor weapons of the army referred to in the Manasollasa (II. 681-83) may be mentioned clubs (Mudgara), battleaxes, knives, tridents and machines to throw missiles. The work also refers to sellachakra, whose nature is not clear. Sukra refers to fire arms and artillery (IV, 7,213) but these passages are later than our period, as already pointed out. There is no evidence so far forthcoming to show that fire-arms were used by the Hindus before C. 1370 A.D.The superintendent of cavalry is called Asvapati by Sukra. 

Page 101.He was to be adept in military parades and was expected to know how to guide, train and treat the horse. Mahasadhanika mentioned in some Chaulukya records and Mahasvasadhanika figuring in some Chedi inscriptions were the designations of cavalry officers working under Asvapati. Sahaniof the Chahamana epigraphs was perhaps the master of stables.
The Mahasadhanika appears to have been an important officer, for sometimes he is seen enjoying the revenues of a town or a village without the power of alienation. Thus Asni, the wife of Mahasadhnika Mahaika, owned a plot of land in Semvalapuraka Grama, which was enjoyed by her husband, but she had to supplicate for the permission of the Paramara king Vakpatiraja when she wanted to alienate a portion of it.
The superintendent of the elephant corps was designated as Mahapilupati by the Sena records and Pilupati by the Pala ones. Sukra describes him as Gajapati. He was expected to have the knowledge of differentiating the three kinds of elephants and also of nourishing them properly; when they were ill, he was to make adequate arrangements to treat them. The officer called Nayaka, who used to be in charge of twenty elephants, worked under him.

Page 102.The superintendent of chariots does not appear in the records of our dynasties under survey, probably because the chariot corps had ceased to be a part of the fighting force. But it appears that the army still used to require some chariots, probably for the use of high official on ceremonial occasions. It therefore had a chariot superintendent. Sukra calls him Rathadhyaksha and states that he should be skilled in moving, turning and controlling the chariots. He was also expected to know how to manufacture strong and durable chariots.
The officer called Mahavyuhapati who is referred to only in the Pala and Sena inscriptions, was one of the highest officersof the military department. His position was similar to that of the chief of the military staff in modern times. Unfortunately the precise nature of his work is not descrived any where in inscriptions, but there is no doubt that he had to study the different kinds of battle arrays, which formed an important part in military strategy.
The officer called Mahaganastha, appearing in the Sena records was probably a military officer, for according to Sukra Gana denotes a body of troops consisting of 27 chariots, as many elephants, 81 horses and 135 foot. Unfortunately we are not in a position to ascertain how and what functions this officer used to discharge, for the inscriptions throw no light upon the point.

Page 103.Forts as units of defence were very important in our age, and the army had to supply the personnel for their garrison. Each fort was in charge of a capable and experienced officer. He was known as Kottapala under the Pratiharas. Sukra calls him Durgadhyaksha.
The warden of the marches called Maryadadhurya by the Pratihara and Prantapala by the Pala records was an important military officer. His duty was to watch over the frontier and to prevent undesirable or hostile persons from entering the kingdom. In Kashmir, he was known as Dvarapala, He worked in close cooperation with the superintendents of forts in his vicinity.
Sometimes government used to appoint the same individual in charge of a fort and the adjoining frontier. Thus under the Pratihara dynasty, Gwalior, which was a very important fort, had only one officer, who was discharging the duties of both the Kottapala and Maryadadhurya. This would have happened only when one officer was found efficient enough to discharge both the duties.

Page 104.The military department had its own store of weapons. Under the Imperial Guptas, there used to be a separate office called Ranabhandagaradhikarana, which was in charge of the stores and weapons. Whether such an office existed during our period also, we do not know, for there are no references to it in any of the records of our dynasties. It is, however, natural to assume that a separate officer was put in charge of stores of weapons during our period also, though he is not mentioned in the inscriptions.
The military department also looked after the distribution of the army in the different territories. It is important to note that as the means of communications were poor, the big empires in ancient India used to have battalions of their army stationed in the different directions, Thus under the Pratiharas, we find that there was a southern army to watch over the Rashtrakutas, an eastern army to check the Palas and a western army to oppose the Muslims. Not only in the North but in the South also during our period of survey there were provincial head-quarters for the army. It is interesting to note that even today our army has its different commands like the southern, the northern and the eastern ones.

Page 105.Most of the kingdoms of our period were land bound and hence had no navy. The Palas and the Senas, however, were maritime powers, and we find them maintaining a navy. Their records frequently refer to navy or naubala.The officer known as Nakadhyaksha also appears in the Pala records; according to R.C.Majumdar this title is a corrupt form ofNavadhyaksha or Naukadhyaksha. It is not possible to say how the navy was organised and how its administration was carried on, as both the literary and epigraphical sources are silent on the point.
FOREIGN DEPARTMENT :The Foreign Department was another important department at the centre. The minister in its charge is generally called Mahasandhivigrahika in the records of our period. There were a number ofsubordinate officers in the foreign department to help the foreign ministerwhose work, as we have already seen in the last chapter, was very heavy, as he had to look after the feudatories and neighbouring powers. His work in connection with the former has been described in an interesting manner by somesvara in the Manasollasa (II.128). He was to summon the different feudatories at proper time to have discussions with them and then to dismiss them.

Page 106.The officer called Mahamudradhikrita appearing in the Sena records probably worked in this department. His duty was probably togrant passports to foreigners for entering the country. The Pala records refer to another officer called Dutapreshanika. Who seems to have been in charge of the dispatch of the envoys to other states on diplomatic business. The next officer concerned with this department was Gamagamika. Gamagamika literally means one, who comes and goes. It is also not unlikely, as suggested by U.N. Ghoshal, that he would have been carrying out functions of an urgent character in connection with the diplomatic department of the state, requiring frequent visits to the neighbouring kingdoms or to the dominions of vassals.
POLICE DEPARTMENT : The police department may be conventently considered at this point. Unfortunately the records of our period do not clearly distinguish between the police and military officers. It is likely that Dandanayakas of our period were both military and police officers. Sometimes the military officers did the duty of the police officers and vice-versa. 

Page 107.They had a number of subordinate officers like Dandapasikas, Chauroddharanikas, Dandikas, Dandasaktis, Chatas and Bhatas, who are frequently referred to in our records.
The Dandapasika, who is referred to only by the Pala and Sena records, was probably of the status of the modern district superintendent of police. As his designation indicates, his duty was to catch the thieves. Sometimes he was entrusted with the important work of discharging the functions of a Dutaka in connection with the delivery of a land-grant.
The Chauroddharanikas were mainly concerned with the detection of thefts and the punishment of the concerned thieves. The Kalavan plates of Yasovarman refer to an officer called Chaurika, but he was probably not different from Chauroddharanika.
The duty of the officer called Dasaparadhika was most probably to collect fines for the ten traditional criminal offences. Some of these crimes were serious like murder, adultery, abortion, etc., while others were relatively lighter like defamation, obscene speech, etc.

Page 108.Dandasakti and Dandika figure only in the Chahamana records. R.C. Majumdar is of opinion that Dandasakti was responsible for his duties to the military department, but this view does not seem to be a convincing one. The Dandasakti may as well have been in charge of the execution of punishment imposed upon criminals.
The functions of the officer called Mahadauhasadhasadhinika are difficult to determine. Most probably officers of this cadre were entrusted with specially difficult tasks, The Jabalpur plates of the Chedi king jayasimhadeva refers to an officer called Dushtasadhya; he is probably the same as Dauhasadhasadhanika.
The state in ancient India controlled the institution of prostitution since very early times and it is not unlikely that the officer entrusted with this work, who is called Ganikadhyaksha by Kautilya, worked under the police department. It was his duty to have full information about the persons who used to visit prostitute. This was often useful to detect persons who were of bad character and to watch their movements and activities. Very probably these officers worked under police department; it is however not improbable that in cities they may have worked under city superintendents.

Page 109.The functions of the officer called Khola have not yet been correctly ascertained. The meaning of this term, as revealed by Sanskrit dictionaries, is a lame person it can hadly have any thing to do with this officer. If the term is connected with Khala (wicked person), he would be an officer working under the police department, if it is connected with Khalaka, he would be an officer under the revenue department.
REVENUE DEPARTMENT : The revenue department was in charge of the income of the state from taxes and state properties and concerns. Lakshmidhara in his Krityakalpataru mentions an officer called Aksharakshita, who had to keep a comprehensive account of income and expenditure of the state. He must have been the right hand man of the revenue minister. As we have already seen in the last chapter, the revenue department had to supervise the collection of taxes and revenues, which were usually paid partly in kind and partly in cash. It is therefore but natural that his office had to make elaborate arrangements for the proper administration of government granaries. He was probably keeping the duplicate copies of the land grants; for sometimes it so happened that people showed forged charters in their own names. 

Page 110.When such frauds took place, the revenue department used to consult the original documents and arrive at a decision about the genuineness of the disputed records. The steps taken by the government in this connection have been already referred to earlier.
The revenue department had a large number of officers. The Mahakshapatalika, who was in charge of records, was an important one among them. During our period of survey, he is often seen composing copper plate charters. Thus Mahakshapatalika Thakkura Vosarin, Mahakshapatalika Thakkura Kumyara, Mahakshapatalika Thakkura Govinda and Akshapatalika Kayastha Somasinhadeva were the writer soft he different documents known as Kadi platesof the Chaulukya king Bhim II. The writer of the Lucknow Museum plate of the Gahadavala king Jayachandradeva was Akshapatalika Sripati, While that of the Sunak grant of the Chedi king Karnadeva was Akshapatalika Kekkaka. We have already seen in the last chapter that in some administrations, the Sandhivigrahika was also doing this duty. 

Page 111.It is not unlikely That the historical part of the grant was drafted by the Sandhivigrahika and the details about land and taxes were supplied by Akshapatalika. For convenience sake, drafting of the document, though done by two persons, might have been ascribed to one of them.
The next officer of this department, who was in charge of collecting the revenue, was known as Mahakaranika under the Chedis.He and his assistants Karanikas were stationed in the different provinces, towns and cities. The Karnikas are sometimes seen as the writers of copper plate charters. Thus the writer of the Gohrwa grant of the Chedi king Karna was the Karanika Sarvananda.Karanika Dhira was the writer of the Bihari stone inscription of the Chedi king Yuvaraja I. Karanika Jaddha was the writer of the Khajuraho inscription of the Chandella king Dhanga. Karanika Srisakti was the writer of the Bayana inscription of Chitralekha.Sometimes the post of Karikas used to be hereditary.
It is important to note that in Maharashtra, the village revenue officer was till recently known as Kulkarni – a name derived from Kula-karanika – i.e. an officer in charge of the land revenues of different families in a village.

Page 112.The Chedi records refer to another officer called Mahapramata, who was probably assisted by an officer known as Pramatri under the Palas and Senas. The functions of both these officers are difficult to determine. Some scholars take them to be judicial officers in charge of recording evidence, whileothers take them to be judges concerned with civil cases only.Both those conjectures, however, do not seem to be probable. The term Pramatri is derived from the root ma to measure. Pramatri therefore should be taken as a land measuring officer working under the Mahakshapatalika. He was thus similar to the Rajjukas of Asokan inscriptions. The Jabalpur grant of the Chedi king Jayasimhadeva refers to an officer called Pramattavara. The term may be a Prakrit derivative from Pramatri.
Another officer of the revene department was Kshetrapa.His function is difficult to determine;it is not improbable that he might have been in charge of some matters concerning cultivated lands. Probably he was keeping an account of every holding paying taxes to the king, and as such his activities were correlated to those of the Mahakshapatalika and his staff. He figures only in the Pala inscriptions.

Page 113.The Pala records mention an officer called Shashthadhikrita. We have no information about his jurisdiction. Whether he was a Taluka or district officer, we do not know. Most probably he worked under the revenue department. Land tax was traditionally to be one sixth of the produce and so the officer Shashthadhikrita might have been in charge of collecting it from the cultivators.
Besides the Shashthadhikrita, there was another officer called Bhogapati,who probably collected the tax known as Bhoga, which was most probably a periodical supply of fuel, fruits, firewoods, flowers and the like, which the villagers had to furnish to the king. This officer is called Mahabhogika in the Sena records.
The term Bhoktri abbreviated into Bho was often used to denote a certain class of officers in Rajasthan under the Chahamanas.They had often octroi dues assigned to them. Whether they were the same as Bhogapatis, it is difficult to say.
Taxes, as we already know, were paid both in kind and cash during our period. Tax in cash was called Hiranya under the Palas and the Senas and it was perhaps levied upon certain special kinds of crops. 

Page 114.The officer, who was entrusted with the work of collecting taxes in cash, was known as Hiranyasamudayika in Bengal.
Cattle-breeding was an important element in the economic life and the state did not neglect it. The officer, who was in charge of the herds, was known as Gokulika in the Paramara and Gahadavala kingdoms, Sukra also refers to officers in charge of camels, cattle, deer and birds;They were expected to be skilled in breeding and rearing them.
Royal parks and forests were an important item of state property. The superintendent of parks was known as Aramadhipati. One of his dutis was to develop the resources by supplying proper manure at the suitable time. He was also expected to know the medicinal properties of the trees and plants. The forests also had a superintendent, though he does not figure in our records. He had a suitable staff to assist him.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT : The treasury department was in charge of a superintendent, who is called Koshadhyaksha both by Kautilya and Sukra.Paramara records call him Koshadhikari. He was expected to be well-versed in financial administration. 

Page 115.The work of this department was onerous; it had to look after the government balance in kind and cash and to keep in in safe custody. It naturally engaged a number of officers. Among them the superintendent of granary, who is called Dhayadhyaksha by Sukra, was the most important one.Gahadevala inscriptions refer to him as Bhandagaradhikrita.His duty was to store properly the corn collected as tax in the government granaryand to replace it periodically by new stock. He was expected to know how to store corn and how to dispose it off at profit at suitable time.
FINANCE DEPARTMENT : Unfortunately there is hardly any reference to the finance department in the records of the dynasties surveyed by us. In the Chaulukya administration only, we come across an officer in charge of the expenditure known as Vyayakaranamahamatya, who probably belonged to this department. It is very likely that the work of this department was being discharged by the treasury department and hence there are no frequent references to the officers of finance. The superintendent of treasury himself would have looked after the allotment of revenue and expenditure of the state. In this connection, it may be noted that the Smritis also rarely refer to the officers working under the finance department.

Page 116.COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY DEPARTMENT :There were several officers working under this department. The first among them was the superintendent of markets; he was called Drangika in Kathiawad and Hattapati in Bengal. According to Kautilya, his duty was to fix the rates of different articles and to put the government products in the market under favourable condition. He also organised imports of goods required in the locality and supervised their sales at reasonable rates.
Another officer, who worked under this department, was the toll superintendent, who is designated as Saulkika in the Pala records. He was to collect the octroi duties from the merchants at the gate of a town before they imported their articles for sale.
The third officer working under this department was Tarika or Tarapati.[158] He figures only in the Pala records. 

Page 117.He was probably in charge of ferry service. He had also to look after the construction of ferries, their repairs and upkeep.
Mining, spinning, weaving and Jewelry-making seem to have been the principal industries of the age. The state paid great attention to the mining industry, as the mines produced a large part of the wealth of the country. The superintendent of mines is called Akaradhipati in the Gahadavala records. His duties must have been similar to those described in the Arthasastra, i.e. to exploit the resources of existing mines and to carry out operations, which might lead to the discovery of new ones.
Cloth industry was another flourishing industry of our period, and government took keen interest in it. The superintendent of this department is designated as Sutradhyaksha by Kautilya and Vastradhipa by Sukra.
He was expected to have the knowledge of the finances and roughness of texture of the cotton, woolen and silken cloth as well as of their durability. According to Kautilya, the employees of this department used to send cotton to the homes of weak and destitute persons and get the yarn spun through them at agreed rates; whether this was being done in our period, we do not know.

Page 118.Sometimes, the state used to give licence to goldsmiths for the manufacture of silver and golden wares and ornaments. The officer, who was entrusted with this work, is called by Sukra as Suvarnadhyaksha. He was expected to have the knowledge of distinguishing the values of different metals by their weight, luster and colour.
Slaughter houses were also under strict state control, their superintendent is called Saunika in the Pala records. According to Kautilya, it was the duty of this officer to prevent the outsiders from killing the animals in the game forests. How he discharged his duty during our period, we do not know.
JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT : The administration of justice was also carried on with the help of a number of officers. The king was at the head of this department and the administered justice, when he was present at the capital. If, however, due to ill health or the pressure of other work, he was unable to discharge this duty, the chief justice or Pradvivaka presided over the court at the capital. It is rather strange that the record of the dynasties under consideration do not refer to him. The non-mention of his office may be accidental.

Page 119.The chief justice was assisted in hiswork by a number of judges known as Mahadharmadhyakshas  under the Senas and probably Dharmapradhanas under the Chedis. It is difficult to say whether the Dharmalekhins, who figure in the Chandella and Chedi records, were the pleaders, who wrote the complaints or judicial officers, who wrote the judgments. Probably they were state judicial officers, since they are sometimes seen as drafting the copper plate charters. Thus under the Chandellas, the writer of the Banda plate of Madanavarman was the Darmalekhi Dasisudha, and that of the Semra plate was the Dharmlekhi Prithvidhara. The writer of the Pacher plate of the Chandella king Paramardi was Dharmalekhi Shubhananda and of Mahoba plate was Dharmalekhi Prithvidhara. The writer of the Kharha grant of the Chedi king Yasakarna was the Dharmalekhi Vacchuka.
The chief justice used to have his own office in charge of an officer named as Mahadharmadhikaranika under the Chedis. He was probably in charge of the records of the office, where all documents concerning important cases were kept. 

Page 120.The officer called Dasaparadhika, who collected fines imposed upon criminals, probably worked under the chief justice or his assistants.
The judicial department probably looked after the management of jails also. The epigraphs of our period, however, do not refer to the jail officer and hence we do not know how he used to function. The non-mention of the jail officer may be probably due to the fact that imprisonment was only one of the ten modes of punishment in our period.
ECCLESIASTICAL DEPARTMENT : The last department that we have to consider is the ecclesiastical department, which was in charge of an officer called Pandita by Sukra. An officer with this title does not figure at all in any of the records of the dynasties under consideration; it is unlikely that his function might have been discharged by the Purohita or Rajaguru, who figures in some of our records. His duty as we have already seen, was to advise the king in religious matters. He must have been assisted in his work by a number of subordinate officers, though they do not appear in our records. Their duty was to supervise all religions and sects. 

Page 121.These officers were called Dharmamahamatras under the Mauryas, Vinayasthitisthapakas under the Guptas and Dharmankusas under the Rashtrakutas.
The superintendent of religious establishments, institutions and charities is described as Danadhyaksha by Sukra.It is very likely that the donation made on the recommendation of this officer to the Brahmanas and temples would have been utilised by them in organising schools, colleges, hospitals and poor-houses. The officer called Dharmadhikarin appearing in the Chedi records probably discharged similar functions.
An officer called Agraharika, appearing in the Chahamana records, might have worked under this department. He probably looked after the administration of the villages granted to temples and Brahmanas. It was his duty to see that there were no difficulties created in the enjoyment of grants given to the donees.

Chapter 5.
OFFICIALS- FEUDATORIES-TERRITOR
Page 122.
(A) OFFICIALS OFTHE STATE :The Chahamana records of Sakambhari mention some other officials who were entrusted with specific duties in the administration. The following were the most important of them;
Pratihara :The Pratihara was the royal chamberlain who used to hold a prominent place in the administrative framework in the early medieval Indian states. It was his duty to bring the visitors into the presence of the king. In the Sakambhari kingdom the term is mentioned in the drama, Lalitavigraharaja and the Sanskrit Kavya, Prthvirajavijaya.
Duta : He was the envoy or political agent of the king for communicating royal messages and orders. He thus appears to hold an important position in the administration. Hasan Nizami mentions that on the eve of the second battle of Tarain, Chahamana Prthviraja III sent such an envoy to Muhammad Ghuri asking him to retire or face the consequences of the battle.

Page 123
Spies : The Chahamana rulers seem to have maintained spies for getting first-hand information of the activities of their rivals and enemies. The drama, Lalita-vigraharaja, mentions that Vigraharaja IV sent his spy to the Muslim camp in order to ascertain of their strength and stragic position.
Juotishika :The Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription was composed in the presence of the Jyotishika (astrologer), Sri Tilakaraja, to commemorate the victory of vigraharaja IV over the Muslim. It thus appears that a royal astrologer was maintained at the court of the Chahamanas. It was his duty to forecast auspicious moments by reading about the effects of stars and planets. After his advice, the king probably undertook all his important assignments, especially his military campaigns. It seems, therefore, that the astrologer was a very influential person in the Chahamana court. 

Page 124.This is also indicated in the Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription, which mentions the term ‘illustrious’ to astrologer Tilakaraja.
Karanikas :The Karanikas, mentioned in the Chahamana inscriptions, appear to have been connected with the revenue administration of the kingdom. As the name signifies, they were probably the clerical officers, engaged to write the documents of the land grants of the king. From the Dhod stone inscription of Somesvara it appears that the post of the Karanikas was an important one, which was served by the Brahmins as well.
Gauda-Kayasthas :The Chahamana inscriptions were also composed by another class of people, called the Gauda-Kayasthas. They were mainly engaged for writing royal prasasti in the inscriptions on important occasions.
(B) FEUDATORIES :The feudatory chiefs under the Chahamana sovereign seem to have played on important role in the kingdom. Whenever required, they rendered military help to the king, and personally accompanied him in battle. 

Page 125.According to Firishta one hundred and fifty chiefs joined Prthviraja III in his second campaign against Muhammad Ghuri. Govindaraja of Delhi personally took part in the two battles of Tarain, and was killed in the second battle.
The feudatories also participated in peaceful activities as well. The Dhod stone inscription mentions that the temple of Nityapramoditadava was constructed by the feudatory of Prthviraja II.
The Chahamana inscriptions mention different titles, assumed by these feudatories, like Duhsadhya,Thakura, Adhiraja, Maham etc. But as these titles were simply mentioned without any proper explanation, it is neither possible to differentiate them from each other, nor to assess their exact status. However, it appears that Dandhuka, who assumed the title of Duhsadhya was a very important feudatory chief. The Harsha stone inscription call him ‘illustrious’. Further, along with king Simharaja and the royal family, he also donated the village of Mayyrapadra to the temple of Harsha.

Page 126.But these feudatory chiefs had to acknowledge the suzerainty of the king, and could do nothing independently. Even the ‘illustrious’Dandhuka had to seem the permission of his overlord for simply donating his personal property (which he had received from the king) to the temple of Harsha.
The Chahamana territory of Sakambhari was designated as the ‘Sapadalaksa’ country. It was under the direct rule of the king. For the sake of administrative convenience, it was divided and sub-divided into smaller units.
In the early stage of Chahamana administration, we do not find the well-known terms of early medieval India, like bhuktia, bhumis or mandalas, representing provinces in which the kingdom was usually divided. Instead, the Harsha stone inscription mentions only visayas or districts. It seems that the Sakambhari kingdom was not big enough to he divided into provinces. It was small in area, simply divided into a number of visayas, and such Visaya consisting of several villages. Some villages were, however, organised into a group or union. The Harsha stone inscription mentions one such group of twelve villages –the Tunakupaka-dvadasaka in the pattabaddhaka – visaya.

Page 127.But with the enlargement of the Sakambhari kingdom, need was felt for a proper territorial division. Hence the term Mandala or province comes into existence, which was placed under the charge of a governor, known as Mandalesvara. Kadambavasa, the chief minister of Prthviraja III, was such a Mandalesvara.
It seems that the enlarged Sakambhari kingdom was probably divided into a number of such mandalas or provinces. Each province consisted of several districts, and each district was sub-divided into a number of villages. The village formed the smallest unit of administration.
It is interesting to note that Prthviraja III’s Revasa stone inscription of V.S. 1243 (= C. 1188 A.D.) mentions some Chandels of Khaluvana village in the Chandel pratiganaka. According to D. Sharma, the term Pratiganaka, was somewhat equivalent to a Paragana of the Mughal period. If that is so, then a pratiganaka must have comprised a number of villages. In other words, the former village unions probably took a definite name in the later period of the Chahamanas.

Chapter 6.
Page 128.JUDICIAL, MILITARY AND REVENUE ADMINISTRATION JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION : Due to the paucity of materials it is really very difficult to say anything definite about the judicial administration of the Chahamanas of Sakambhari. Some stray references are scattered here and there from which a mere idea may be gleaned of their judiciary.
The king was probably the highest court of appeal. This will be evident from the Kharataragachchhapattavali which mentions that the Sarvadhikarin of Prthviraja III, in the absence of the king, presided over a religious dispute at Narayana, and give impartial justice with the help of the Panditas,The Sarvadhikarin thus appears to hold the next position after the king for delivering justice in a dispute. He, therefore, might have held the position of the chief justice of the state. The panditas  seem to be the learned Brahmanas, well-versed in ,Dharmasastras, the apparently they had some influence in the judicial administration.

Page 129.
MILITARY ADMINISTRATION :The fall of the Pratihara Empire was followed by the rise of more than half a dozen local Rajput dynasties, engaged in continual struggles among themselves. These warring principalities were each actuated by the ambition of securing for itself an imperial authority, as achieved by the Pratiharas. Further, all these inter-dynastic struggles were going on at a time when the Muslims were knocking at the gate of India. hence an atmosphere of continuous warfare prevailed in North India in early medieval period of Indian history.
The Chahamana Rajputs of Sakambhari were no exception to the rule. After the period of independence and consolidation, they were also inspired with the ideal of imperial authority. Arnoraja assumed the title of Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvar.Vigraharaja IV claimed to have conquered the whole region from the Himalayas to the Vindhyas.Prthviraja III was after the overlordship of India, that is why he called himself as Bharatesvara.
At the same time the Chahamanas were also heavily engaged against the Muslim invaders for mearly two hundred years. Hence they had to take appropriate measures against the Muslim danger. Obviously in an age of dynastic ambition and recurring Muslim aggression, there was constant warfare. 

Page 130.The army therefore, had a vital role to pay in the country. The Chahamanas seem to have been quite conscious of it, which is evident in the military administration followed by them.
The Chahamanas maintained a large army. The Ajmer stone inscription mentions that Vigraharaja IV marched against the Muslims with an army consisting of a thousand elephants, a hundred thousand horses, and a million of men.Hasan Nizami almost a contemporary Muslim writer, states that Prthviraja III advanced against Muhammad Ghuri in the second battle of Tarain with an army of three hundred thousand horses.This was confirmed by Firishta, in whose opinion an additional three thousand elephants and a body of infantry accompained the said cavalary force.Though all these estimates may appear exaggerated to some extent yet the strength of the Chahamana army cannot be denied.
From the sources mentioned above, it appears that the Chahamana army mainly consisted of three units – the elephant, the cavalry and the infantry. 

Page 131.Chariots seem to have become absolute in warfare; they are referred more as conventional than an essential feature in the composition of the army.
The elephant probablyconstituted the most important unit in the army, as the dignitaries of the kingdom, like the king and other feudatory rulers, fought the battle from its back. Govindaraja of Delhi wounded Muhammad Ghuri from the howdah of his war-elephant in the first battle of Tarain. The Kharataragachchha-pattavali mentions that Prthviraja III maintained a good elephant force.
The cavalry was also an important wing in the Chahamana armyfor its swift movement. In an emergency the horse was used by the king instead of the elephant. After his defeat in the second battle of Tarain, Prthviraja III dismounted from his elephant, and tried to escape from the battle field on a horse. The Kharataragachchha-pattavali states that Prthviraja III started his digvijaya (conquest of all the quarters) with 70,000 horse.But from the Muslim sources it appears that there was more than a four-fold increase in the number on the eve of the second battle of Tarain.

Page 132.This tends to show the growing importance of the cavalry in the Chahamana army.Last of all was the infantry. But due to its seldom reference in the contemporary sources, it is difficult to asses its proper role in the Chahamana army.
The Bijolia inscription mentions that Chahamana Ajayaraja brought to Ajmer the captive commander of Malava by binding him to the back of his camel. The Prthvirajavijaya also states that Prthviraja III had with him camels and other regular army units in his campaign against Nagarjuna.The mention of the camel in the Chahamana records is really interesting. There is no evidence of using that animal for fighting purposes. It seems, therefore, that the camel was most probably used for carrying food and other essentials for the army in the sandy tracts of the Chahamana territory.
Along with the offensive activities, the Chahamana rulers of Sakambhari took defensive measures as well to resist the Muslim invaders by constructing strong forts at the strategic points of their dominions. The forts of Hansi, Tabarhindah, Samana, Ajmer, Delhi, Kyhram, and Sirsa were the most important among others. The army was garrisened in these forts, and a careful watch was made over the activities of the Muslims. Sometimes an offensive action was directed against them from these forts.

Page 133.
REVENUE ADMINISTRATION :
Sources of Revenue :
For maintaining the proper administration of a state, a regular income is very essential. The revenue administration of the state is generally developed on the basis of this regular income. The revenue administration of the Chahamanas of Sakambhari should also be studied by following this very principle.
As sufficient materials are not available , it is really very difficult to make a proper and systematic study of the Chahamana revenue system. However, it may be conjectured that there existed some sort of regular income of the state for running the administration of the vast Chahamana kingdom of Sakambhari.
It seems that the royal revenue was mainly derived from the following sources :
1.Income from the private estates of the king.
2.Feudal dues of the nobility.
3.Tributes from the vassal states.
4.Spoils of wars.
5.Taxes paid by the traders.
6.Revenue from the currency system 

Page 134.The Chahamana king possessed private estates of various dimensions.As the well-know terms of land revenue, like bhaga and bhoga fail to occur in the Chahamana records, it may be presumed that the private estates of the king formed a very important source of royal revenue.The chahamana rulers were served by many feudatory chiefs.The mobility gave its feudal dues to the king, and rendered military help to him whenever requred. These must have been of much help to the king inthe sphere of revenue administration.
Another considerable royal revenue was derived from the tributes paid by the vassal states. The Chahamana kings, therefore, took a keen interest to increase the number of the tributory states. It served two One was the increase of royal power and prestige; and the other was a regular supply of revenue to the royal treasury. In the third Delhi Siwalik pillar inscription Vigraharaja IV claimed to have made all the territories in between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas tributory to him.

Page 135.Another probably source of royal income was spoils of war .From the Madanpur stone inscriptions it appears thet Prithivi III brought much wealth to his treasury by plundering the Chandella kingdom.
          The Prthvirajavijaya mentions that the Sambhar Lake was an important sourc of revenue to the Chahamana kingdom. That Lake was famous for the manufacture of salt. The Harsha stone inscription states that the traders of Sakambhari paid taxes on salt. It thus appears that the state levied a tax on salt, which must have yielded a substantial amount to the royal treasury.
          The currency system had also an important bearing on the royal revenue of the state. Silver
           and copper coins are first noticed in the Chahamana kingdom during the reign of Ajayaraja.
          It seems that with the establishment of peace and order in the kingdom, trade and commerce flourished. Consequently need was felt for a regular currency system. This was developed during the reign of Ajayaraja, and it continued to exist in the subsequent reigns. As the coining of the currency appears to be the state monopoly, it was, therefore, another important source of royal revenue.

          Page 136.
          Expenditures of the State :The chief items of expenditure of the Chahamana kingdom were on the royal household, maintenance of civil and military administration, laying and development of the town of Ajmer, construction of temples, palaces, lakes and other public works. In an age of constant war, the army seems to have been the most important item of expenditure. The Chahamana rulers had to maintain a vast army for their military needs, and this army must have put a heacy, if not the heaviest, pressure on the royal exchequer. Yet they were able to spend considerably for the purpose of peaceful reconstruction as well. It seems, therefore, that the economic condition of the Chahamaa kingdom was more or less satisfactory. According to the Prthvirajavijaya the city Rama conquered after crossing the sea (the Golden Lanka) and that founded by Krishna in the sea (Dwarka) are not fit to be handmaids of Ajmer.” In fact, the poet compares Ajmer with Amravati, the capital of Indra. Though there may be some poetic exaggeration, yet it undoubtedly reflects the general prosperity of the Chahamana kingdom of Sakamb.
           
           Page 137
       CONCLUSION 
           In the preceding chapters an attempt has been made to give an account account of the Chahamana’s polity during a transitional period in Indian History. The period is marked by the Hindu domination gradually making way for the Muslim rule in Northern India. For nearly two hundred years the Chahamanas made effective resistance to the foreign aggression but ultimately failed due to the prevailing political condition of the country.
           However, the Chahamanas of Sakambhari played a very significant role in the political and administrative history of Northern India for several centuries before the advent of the Muslim rule in the country. It also appears from the above perusal that the administrative system of the period was well organised and it was divided into several wings for better and efficient administration.
           Since the king was the head of the state it seems that it was felt necessary to raise to the throne a competent member of the ruling family. The title Maharajadhiraja was usually used by the emperors. Though the king was the centre of all military, political, administrative and judicial powers, he was expected not to behave arbitrarily. A number of checks upon the king was imposed to prevent him from becoming an autocrat.
           
          Page 138.It seems that the Chahamanas queen used to take some positive part in the benevolent activities and sometimes in the administrative matters. Yuvaraja or crown prince was regarded as an important member of the administration. Naturally great care was bestowed upon the proper training of the crown prince. He was to help his father in carrying on the administration on proper lines and to the satisfaction of the subjects. The younger princes were often appointed to some important posts in the administration. Sometimes they were in the ministry also.
          Council of ministers have played an important role in the administration. But in the pre-independence period, as long as the Chahamanas were under the Pratihara rule, they had no independent policy to persue. Hence, the ministerial role in the administration was insignificant. But with the attainment of independence the condition completely changed and the entire responsibility for evolving on independent policy fell directly on the shoulder of the king the later used to take advice of his ministers in all important matters. In the council of ministers. The Maha-mantri or chief minister became the most important member. As the head of the council, he advised the king in administration and supervised the work of the council.
           
           Page 139.In the age of constant warfare, the senapati or commander of the army must have been a very important person in the state. He was the war minister and probably occupied a position in the ministry next to the chief minister. Sandhivigrahika was the minister for peace and war. He advised the king on foreign affairs.
           The theme of Chahamanas overlordship is not directly related with the administration of the period under review, even indirectly it throws light upon the prevailing war strategy of the kings, undoubtedly a part of the administrative pattern of the Chahamanas.
           The success of the administration depends largely upon the efficiency and ability of the secretariat officers. Hence, ancient Indian political writers advised the king to take great care in the selection of the secretariat officers. That the records of the period under discussion supply us no direct and detailed information about the machinery of the central government; and hence it is difficult to say, how the secretariat and its various departments, were organised and how they used to function? The records of the period merely give us a long list of officers. However, we have form a general idea of the secretariat and its different branches on the basis of the records of the different dynastis of the period. The secretariat was known as Srikarana under the Chahamanas. Its head was usually a Mahamatya. 
           Page 140.It had a big record offices where official documents were carefully kept. The secretariat had also its inspecting staff to control provincial and district officers. Different heads of the administration are known as the Royal Household Department; Military Department; Foreign Department; Police Department, Revenue Department; Treasury Department; Finance  Department; Commerce & Industry Department; Judicial Department & Ecclesiastical Department etc.
           The Chahamanas records mention Pratihara, Duta, Spies, Jyotishika, Karanikas, Gauda Kayasthas as officials who were entrusted with specifie duties in the administration. The feudatory chiefs seem to have played an important role in the kingdom. Judicial, military and revenue administration were well organised during the period under review.

 

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Comments

  1. The article above reflects your devotion to the work. The way you have expressed your profound knowledge in the article is amazing. Your dedication to teach , learn and help the research/student community is exemplary. All the best my friend for your future endeavors.

    ReplyDelete
  2. Reminiscence of your golden days , so energetic and enthusiastic even at the verge of retirement. Creative people never retire ......you are setting example for all of us. @####

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  3. Truly commendable, nice to go through. Hopefully other learners and scholars will be benefitted. All the best !

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  4. यह शोध कार्य उत्तम किस्म का है। इसके अध्ययन से विद्यार्थी और शोधार्थी को काफी लाभ मिलेगा।

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  5. शोध कार्य समाज व राष्ट्र के लिए शैक्षिक, अध्यात्मिक व सांस्कृतिक दृष्टिकोण से काफी महत्वपूर्ण होते हैं।
    अतः जिज्ञासु मानवों के लिए निश्चित रूप से फायदेमंद होगा। एक बार फिर
    से शोधकर्ता डॉ. मधुप रमण सर को साधुवाद - संजय सुमन

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  7. Sir it is very informative to us, not only we learn about the Chauhan Dynasty but also know about the important events of medieval period. Specially about north Indian history we get important information of Chauhan rulers.

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  8. It is proud to be DAVian. This is a great contribution towards the research to the History of the Universe...

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  9. Hi, Im looking for information on the Chahamana Dynasty during the 9th century, if anyone had information please get in touch with me, your help is much appreciated. Please get back to me at sivaraja.vai@gmail.com. thank you

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